Aborigines' Dreaming or Britain's Terra Nullius: Perceptions of Land Use in Colonial Australia

Pettit, Emily

doi:10.17077/2373-1842.1030

Cited by 4 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…The concept of land ownership in the new settlement that is closely linked with privatization and business ventures for the colonial is the exact opposite of how land is valued by the Aboriginal people. The Aboriginal people did not privatize but use it communally and respectfully as a sacred space (Petitt, 2015). The dichotomy of land concepts between the two entities has become a major discussion in this research.…”

Section: Property Rights and Sacred Sitesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reconciling Aboriginal and White Australians by Negotiating Spatial Boundaries in The Secret River:

Sumaryani

Anam

2022

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The dichotomic concept of space between white and Aboriginal Australians has been widely used in the colonial discourse. Through The Secret River, Grenville dismantles the binary oppositions that serves as the main strategy for colonization. We argue that space as a medium of negotiation is used as her strategy to involve in the national reconciliation movement. Postmemory is employed to explain the strategy of choosing spatial locations that links with Grenville’s intergenerational memories. The analysis reveals that the boundaries created by the settlers upon the disputed land cannot successfully cover the chaotic and heterogenous nature of the Aboriginal Dharug land. Instead, the previous characteristics of the land keep appearing as a form of resistance. During the attempt, the settlers slowly recognize the similar nature of the Dharug’s living space to theirs. The process represents the ongoing understanding between the two parties which signifies the spirit of the national reconciliation movement.

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Section: Property Rights and Sacred Sitesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Reconciling Aboriginal and White Australians by Negotiating Spatial Boundaries in The Secret River:

Sumaryani

Anam

2022

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“…In practice, it was the "mechanism by which [the colonizers] could occupy the country without reference to the rights of the Indigenous inhabitants" (Foley 1997). Th is claim has since been refuted in various forums, such as a detailed mapping of the Indigenous nations present prior to colonization (AIATSIS n.d.) and accounts that build a picture of precolonial Aboriginal agriculture from the journal records of early colonizers (see Pascoe 2018;Pettit 2015). While the "legal myth" of terra nullius was offi cially overturned in the Mabo court ruling of 1992, 8 it has continued relevance for Indigenous-settler relations in Australia and has been important in infl uencing Australian nationalism and identity (Moran 2002).…”

Section: Drawing Links Between the Land And Sea: Indigenous Peoples' ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Linking Land and Sea

Reardon-Smith

2022

Migration and Society

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Australia’s harsh policy response to asylum seekers appears to be an extreme measure for a country that thinks of itself as a liberal democracy. Confining analyses of this regime to refugee law and policy overlooks the ways that Australia’s colonial history, Indigenous dispossession, and contemporary race relations interact with one another. Th is article argues that these historical dynamics are essential to understanding the Australian government’s response to asylum seekers in the present day, with asylum-seekers and Indigenous peoples in Australia both being utilized as tools of modern statecraft to shore up the legitimacy of the Australian state. Attention is drawn to parallels between the treatment of both Indigenous peoples and asylum seekers by the Australian government, with the increasingly harsh response to asylum seekers in Australian politics coinciding with the expansion of land rights for Indigenous Australians.

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‘Where Art Thou?’: Ethnocracy, Toponymic Silence, and Toponymic Subjugation in the Harare Commemorative Landscapes During the Mugabe Era (1980–2017)

Mamvura

2020

Urban Forum

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This article explores the post-colonial national identity formation using place names that commemorate the nation’s past in Zimbabwe. Place name alterations that the new political elites implemented at independence in 1980 were aimed at disassembling relics of the deposed regime and craft a new national identity. The commemorative landscapes of Harare, as a national capital, constitute a strategic medium in the constitution of national identity. Ethnicity dominated the political landscape in Zimbabwe. The two main political parties, the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU), have been aligned with the two supertribes, Shona and Ndebele, respectively. The article explores how the ruling ZANU (PF) government whose leadership was largely Shona used a meta-narrative modelled around discourses of exclusionary autochthony and a partial presentation of the liberation war history that projected ZAPU as having made an insignificant contribution to the liberation war to construct a national identity. It concludes that the use of exclusionary definitions of belonging and a one-sided presentation of the war past that projected ZANU as having contributed more to the liberation war entrenched Shona ethnic chauvinistic tendencies and propagated ZANU (PF) political hegemony. Using the theoretical lens of critical toponymy, the article argues that politically motivated place renaming efforts usually select from the past aspects that serve present political purposes.

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Aborigines' Dreaming or Britain's Terra Nullius: Perceptions of Land Use in Colonial Australia

Cited by 4 publications

References 12 publications

Reconciling Aboriginal and White Australians by Negotiating Spatial Boundaries in The Secret River:

Reconciling Aboriginal and White Australians by Negotiating Spatial Boundaries in The Secret River:

Linking Land and Sea

‘Where Art Thou?’: Ethnocracy, Toponymic Silence, and Toponymic Subjugation in the Harare Commemorative Landscapes During the Mugabe Era (1980–2017)

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