A very Zimbabwean coup: November 13–24, 2017

Moore, David

doi:10.1353/trn.2018.0009

Cited by 16 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…Yet rather than attempting to tackle the looming crisis, ZANU-PF was absorbed by vicious intra-party factional battles around the successor to the ninety-seven-year-old Mugabe. When these culminated in the latter dismissing Mnangagwa as deputy president, seemingly to clear the way for his wife to succeed him, the military intervened to displace him (Moore 2018).…”

Section: Proposition 3: Engagement or Withdrawal? The Zimbabwean Middmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Middle-class individuals joined the crowds that thronged the streets of Harare and other towns in support of the army as it jostled ZANU-PF into forcing Mugabe to resign and elevating Mnangagwa to replace him. Yet their disillusionment with political engagement will have been reinforced by ZANU-PF's repeat victory in the general election that followed in June 2018 and the violence deployed by the military in repressing MDC protests challenging the result (Moore 2018).…”

Section: Conclusion: the State And The Middle Class In Zimbabwementioning

confidence: 99%

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Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe

Southall¹

2020

Africa

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This article focuses on the impact of the policies of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government on Zimbabwe's black middle class. It does so by exploring three propositions emerging from the academic literature. The first is that during the early years of independence, the middle class transformed into a party-aligned bourgeoisie. The second is that, to the extent that the middle class has not left the country as a result of the economic plunge from the 1990s, it played a formative role in opposition to ZANU-PF and the political elite. The third is that, in the face of ZANU-PF's authoritarianism and economic hardship, the middle class has largely withdrawn from the political arena.

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Section: Proposition 3: Engagement or Withdrawal? The Zimbabwean Middmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Conclusion: the State And The Middle Class In Zimbabwementioning

confidence: 99%

Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe

Southall¹

2020

Africa

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“…But when Mugabe sided with a faction fronted by his wife Grace, and fired his then deputy Mnangagwa at his wife’s behest, the military staged a coup. They called the coup ‘Operation Restore Legacy’ (see Moore, 2018; Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Ruhanya, 2020). It was also labelled ‘a military assisted transition’.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The 2017 military coup that ushered in Emmerson Mnangagwa as President of Zimbabwe was the culmination of years of internal ZANU-PF fighting (see Moore, 2018; Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Ruhanya, 2020). The factionalism was a result of Mugabe’s refusal to step down and hand over power to other ZANU-PF leaders (Chibuwe, 2017a; Moore, 2018). The frustration with Mugabe’s reluctance to relinquish power and allow another ZANU-PF leader to take over led to ‘operation bhora musango ’ (kick the ball out) during the 2008 election (see Chibuwe, 2017a).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘Repetition without change?’: A critical discourse analysis of selected ZANU-PF advertisements for the July 2013 and July 2018 elections

Chibuwe

Munoriyarwa

2023

Discourse & Communication

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Drawing on Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), and anchored on CDA theory, we argue that as the ruling party’s governance record increasingly came under scrutiny in two election cycles researched, the Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), largely maintained its old strategies of power legitimation. However, it altered the message in order to reflect the changing intensity of political contestation, an increasingly bellicose political opposition and growing dissent within its own ranks, as well as the shifting economic fortunes of the country. Forced to campaign under these circumstances, ZANU-PF trusted, with notable variations, its old discourse strategies to produce election advertisements that legitimised its hold on power, hegemony and spread its ideology. The findings show that whereas in July, 2018, the message changed to reflect the leadership change, ZANU-PF’s legitimation strategies remained unchanged. Similarly, we note that whereas the ‘them’ that had to be de-legitimised in 2013 was unequivocally Tsvangirai and the Movement for Democratic Change Tsvangirai (MDC-T), in 2018 ‘them’ not only referred to Nelson Chamisa and MDC Alliance, but it also referred to Mugabe and curiously not ZANU-PF under Mugabe. Including ZANU-PF under Mugabe, we argue, would have also inadvertently de-legitimised both Mnangagwa and ZANU-PF.

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Introduction: Transition in Zimbabwe: From Robert Gabriel Mugabe to Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa: A Repetition Without Change

Ndlovu-Gatsheni

Ruhanya

2020

African Histories and Modernities

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A very Zimbabwean coup: November 13–24, 2017

Cited by 16 publications

References 25 publications

Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe

Flight and fortitude: the decline of the middle class in Zimbabwe

‘Repetition without change?’: A critical discourse analysis of selected ZANU-PF advertisements for the July 2013 and July 2018 elections

Introduction: Transition in Zimbabwe: From Robert Gabriel Mugabe to Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa: A Repetition Without Change

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