A Unification of Morphology and Syntax

Manzini, M. Rita; Savoia, Leonardo M.

doi:10.4324/9780203968154

Cited by 55 publications

(34 citation statements)

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“…Control arises when this chain extends to the matrix clause, targeting one of the matrix arguments (or their inflectional realization). As argued by Manzini and Savoia (2007), Manzini (2007) for the Albanian particle të, if agreement as an EPP satisfier in the I domain closes off the proposition, na has the effect of reopening it. In other words, na lacking referential content introduces a variable (and creates an open predicate).…”

Section: Control In Mgmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…The two relevant representations below are adapted from Terzi (1992: Note that the two orders do not differ on the surface, although they correspond to different syntactic representations. An auxiliary assumption is that the na+V complex has moved to C in (13b), while no such movement has taken place in (13a), thus protecting PRO from government or in more current terms from any other than null Case assignment (on null Case, see Chomsky and Lasnik, 1993;Martin, 2001;for Greek, Watanabe, 1993;Terzi, 1997). Since this structure makes certain assumptions about the position of na, as well as the representation of null subjects, we will evaluate its merits in section 4 where we discuss control in more detail.…”

Section: Control and Na-complementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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In the mood for control

Roussou

2009

Lingua

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Section: Control In Mgmentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: Control and Na-complementsmentioning

confidence: 99%

In the mood for control

Roussou

2009

Lingua

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“…To that end, it may be erroneous to encapsulate all features related to personal a at the macro-level (i.e., at the level of whole language structure); by contrast, the number of features needs to be narrowed down at the micro-level (i.e., individual lexical items such nouns, verbs and so on) in order to account for the acquisition patterns described here. Extending the parametric variation theory (Kayne, 2005;Manzini and Savoia, 2007 amongst others) to LA2, we argue then for the postulation of micro-parameters that would add predictive power. Given the strikingly uniform success of all our participants across the board with only one feature, the bundle of features related to personal a must be narrowed down.…”

Section: Discussion and Final Remarksmentioning

confidence: 99%

Feature composition in Differential Object Marking

Guijarro–Fuentes¹

2011

EUROSLA

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In this paper we examine the acquisition of interpretable features in English L2 learners of Spanish by investigating the personal preposition a in Spanish. The presence of a in direct object NPs relates to the animacy/specificity of the NP, the animacy/agentivity of the subject and the semantics of the predicate (Torrego, 1998;Zagona, 2002); that is, personal a is constrained by the interpretability of semantic features. Forty-nine English L2 learners of Spanish of different proficiency levels, and 16 Spanish controls participated in an Acceptability Judgement task. The results showed that L2 learners of Spanish across three proficiency levels behaved differently from native speakers of Spanish. The L2 learners seem to have attained some of the interpretable features (i.e., [±animate]) of the Spanish a-DP direct objects, but reveal delays with others. Nonetheless, our data illustrate partial convergence by advanced learners with the native speakers: some interpretable features are attainable, while others may be less accessible and subject to developmental processes. In analyzing our data we draw on Lardiere's (2008Lardiere's ( , 2009) Feature Reassembly Hypothesis, but expanded and extended it in an attempt to critically evaluate and broaden it.

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“…also Savoia 1997). However, on the basis of the observation that southern Italian dialects lack subject clitics, Manzini & Savoia (2005; 2007) reject the plausibility of a historical reconstructive explanation 2…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Between Subject Enclitic and Agreement Marker: The Second Person Endings in Sicilian

Cruschina

Rinollo

2012

Trans of the Philol Soc

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In this paper we analyse the characteristics of 2sg verb‐final ‐tu in Sicilian. Although this is generally referred to as an enclitic subject pronoun, it is clear that it is different from the subject clitics found in northern Italian dialects. The question of whether it is an actual subject enclitic or rather an inflectional affix remains controversial. The primary empirical goal of this study is to provide a general characterization of the synchronic properties of this element, focusing firstly on its grammatical status, and secondly on the distributional differences with respect to the 2pl ending ‐vu. This comparison will lead us to the conclusion that ‐tu and ‐vu instantiate a path of grammaticalization, and that their origins are to be sought in the morphosyntactic reflexes of the feature ‘hearer’. More specifically, we claim that the original subject pronoun was at some stage the phonological realization of the head of the functional projection HearerP, but has been subsequently reanalysed as a bound morpheme encoding agreement. This diachronic account straightforwardly explains the flows and problems with the historical analysis that assumes disambiguation in the verbal paradigm to be the triggering factor.

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A Unification of Morphology and Syntax

Cited by 55 publications

References 0 publications

In the mood for control

In the mood for control

Feature composition in Differential Object Marking

Between Subject Enclitic and Agreement Marker: The Second Person Endings in Sicilian

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