A Theoretical Perspective on Coping With Stigma

Miller, Carol T.; Kaiser, Cheryl R.

doi:10.1111/0022-4537.00202

Cited by 513 publications

(538 citation statements)

References 51 publications

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“…Despite recognition that experiences of discrimination are highly stressful, efforts to understand group members' responses have given only limited consideration to the substantial literature concerning coping processes (but see Major & O'Brien, 2005;Matheson & Cole, 2004;Miller & Kaiser, 2001). Although the coping strategies adopted to respond to a stressor are undoubtedly situation-specific, they also reflect stylistic differences (Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989;Lazarus & Folkman, 1984).…”

Section: Coping With Discriminationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Of course, emotional states are labile, and may be prone to change as a function of subsequent events. In addition to the role of antecedent emotional sensitivities, individual differences in coping styles likely contribute to the impact of discrimination on action propensities (Major & O'Brien, 2005;Matheson & Cole, 2004;Miller & Kaiser, 2001). To be sure, coping strategies vary across situations, but stylistic differences of coping might influence appraisals of an event, and in so doing would moderate subsequent emotions and actions.…”

Section: Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Anger and shame elicited by discrimination: Moderating role of coping on action endorsements and salivary cortisol

Matheson

Anisman

2008

Euro J Social Psych

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Discrimination often elicits anger, and yet group members typically do not take actions to confront their situation. It may be that other emotions that run contrary to action-taking also arise (e.g., shame), limiting the active expression of anger. Indeed, Study 1 (N ¼ 36) revealed that, using a failure feedback paradigm, women expressed greater shame when their failure was due to discrimination, compared to a lack of personal merit. In contrast to anger, self-reported shame was not associated with action-taking. In Study 2, women (N ¼ 91) were emotionally primed to feel either anger or shame (vs. a no mood prime control), and the moderating influence of coping styles on the link between emotions, actions, and salivary cortisol levels following discrimination were assessed. Among women primed to feel anger, problem-focused coping predicted reduced self-reported shame, lower cortisol reactivity, and greater individualistic confrontational action endorsements. In contrast, priming shame increased cortisol reactivity, but diminished the relation between particular coping styles and their capacity to facilitate action. Findings are discussed in terms of the interactive influence of emotions and coping on responses to discrimination. Copyright # 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.The predominant emotion elicited by overt experiences of discrimination is that of anger, particularly when the situation is viewed as unjust and the ingroup as strong (Mackie, Devos, & Smith, 2000;Swim, Hyers, Cohen, Fitzgerald, & Bylsma, 2003). Feelings of anger typically serve as a catalyst for action (Frijda, Kuipers, & TerSchure, 1989), including confrontational strategies on behalf of the group (Gill & Matheson, 2006;Mackie et al., 2000;van Zomeren, Spears, Fischer, & Leach, 2004;Yzerbyt, Dumont, Wigboldus, & Gordijn, 2003). Yet, actions to overcome the disadvantaged status of one's group are not, in fact, common (Louis & Taylor, 1999;Wright, Taylor, & Moghaddam, 1990). The factors that attenuate the relation between feelings of anger and group members' willingness to act on them remain to be fully elucidated.Due to pressures to take personal responsibility for negative events (Garcia, Horstman Reser, Amo, Redersdorff, & Branscombe, 2005;Stangor, Swim, VanAllen, & Sechrist, 2002), group members might not simply feel anger when they encounter discrimination, but may also experience feelings of shame (Tangney & Dearing, 2002;Tracy & Robins, 2004). Feelings of shame, in turn, might militate against the use of confrontational actions (Frijda et al., 1989). The present investigation evaluated women's emotions, particularly anger and shame, and their relation to action endorsements when women experienced gender discrimination. Further, inasmuch as discrimination may function as a stressor, individuals' coping propensities might serve to moderate the impact of anger and shame on behavioral responses to a discrimination event. As well, particular emotional responses, and especially shame, have been linked to physiological stress reactions, su...

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Section: Coping With Discriminationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Anger and shame elicited by discrimination: Moderating role of coping on action endorsements and salivary cortisol

Matheson

Anisman

2008

Euro J Social Psych

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“…and their negative sequelae (i.e., emotional distress), based on conceptualizations of stigma as a stressor (see Miller & Kaiser, 2001). The link between emotional distress and stigmatizing events, as well as support for the hypothesis that discriminating events cause distress, has been documented in empirical studies on gender and race/ethnicity based stigma (Landrine, Klonoff, Gibbs, Manning, Lund, 1995;Landrine & Klonoff, 1996;Swim, 2001).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Predictors of HIV-related stigma among young people living with HIV.

Swendeman¹,

Rotheram‐Borus²,

Comulada³

et al. 2006

Health Psychology

149

109

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Enacted and perceived HIV-stigma was examined among substance using young people living with HIV (YPLH) in Los Angeles, San Francisco, and New York City (N = 147). Almost all YPLH (89%) reported perceived stigma and 31% report enacted experiences in the past three months; 64% reported experiences during their lifetime. The HIV-stigma questions were characterized by factors of avoidance, social rejections, abuse and shame. In multivariate models enacted stigma was associated with gay/bisexual identity, symptomatic HIV or AIDS, and bartering sex. Perceived stigma was associated with female gender, symptomatic HIV or AIDS, bartering sex, lower injection drug use, and fewer friends and family knowing serostatus. Gay/bisexual YPLH who were also HIV symptomatic or AIDS diagnosed experienced more HIV-stigma than their heterosexual peers.

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“…Experiences with racial discrimination during a time when a number of psychological and social changes occur can be daunting. Youth transitioning into young adulthood who perceive that society devalues their racial group may act out by engaging in violent behavior as a way to cope with stressful racial experiences.Experiences of racial discrimination and racism have not been explicitly examined in studies of violence among African American youth despite a growing literature supporting the deleterious mental and physical effects of discriminatory experiences on African American adults (Anderson, 1989;Bowen-Reid & Harrell, 2002;Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999;Dion, Dion, & Pak, 1992;Miller & Kaiser, 2001;Smedley, Stith, & Nelson, 2002;Williams et al, 1999). Among ethnic minority youth, determining the relationship between cultural factors as risk for or protective against socially problematic behaviors is an emerging research area that should recognize that perceptions of racial discrimination is important in explaining youth violent behavior.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Racial Discrimination and Racial Identity as Risk or Protective Factors for Violent Behaviors in African American Young Adults

Caldwell

Kohn-Wood

Schmeelk-Cone

et al. 2004

American J of Comm Psychol

269

223

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This study examined the influences of racial discrimination and different racial identity attitudes on engaging in violent behavior among 325 African American young adults. The contributions of racial discrimination and racial identity attitudes in explaining violent behavior during the transition into young adulthood while controlling for the influences of prior risk behaviors at ninth grade were examined separately for males and females. In addition, the buffering effects of racial identity attitudes on the relationship between racial discrimination and violent behavior were tested. Results indicated that experience with racial discrimination was a strong predictor of violent behavior, regardless of gender. The centrality of race for males and the meaning others attribute to being Black for both males and females were moderators of the influence of racial discrimination on violent behavior. KEY WORDS:African American adolescents; racial discrimination; gender differences; protective factors; racial identity; violence.Most studies find that about 30-40% of male and 15-30% of female youths report having committed violent acts by age 17 (USDHHS, 2001). Extensive evidence has accumulated on the effects of specific psychosocial and environmental risk factors for the perpetration of violent behaviors. Youth violence in the United States has been associated consistently with aggressiveness, antisocial behavior, and poverty during childhood, substance use, antisocial peer groups, parent disciplinary practices, parents with favorable attitudes toward violence, family functioning, academic failure, and being male (Blaske, Borduin, Henggeler, & Mann, 1989;Farrington & Loeber, 2000;Florsheim, Tolan, & Gorman-Smith, 1996;Gorman-Smith, Tolan, Zelli, & Huesmann, 1996;Gorman-Smith, Tolan, Loeber, & Henry, 1998;Guerra, Husemann, Tolan, Van Acker, & Eron, 1995; Hawkins et al., 2000;Henggeler, 1989; Henry, Tolan, & Gorman-Smith, 2001;Kosterman et al., 2001;Loeber & Stouthamer-Loeber, 1998; Tolan & Lorion, 1988;USDHHS, 2001). Yet, the majority of youth at risk for committing violent acts do not engage in violent behaviors (Zimmerman, Steinman, & Rowe, 1998).The Surgeon General's (USDHHS, 2001) recent report on youth violence concludes that risk factors do not operate in isolation and that they can be buffered by protective factors. Several individual characteristics (e.g., self-concept, intolerant attitude toward deviance, commitment to school) and environmental conditions (e.g., supportive family and school environments, resource rich neighborhoods) have been proposed to be protective against youth violence (Hawkins et al., 1998;Kosterman et al., 2001; Caldwell, Kohn-Wood, Schmeelk-Cone, Chavous, and Zimmerman Paschall & Hubbard, 1998;Resnick et al., 1997). This suggests the importance of an ecological framework in explaining these behaviors. The ecological model posits that youth violence is a function of individual psychosocial characteristics, social influences, and societal constraints (Guerra et al. 1995;Paschall & Hubb...

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A Theoretical Perspective on Coping With Stigma

Cited by 513 publications

References 51 publications

Anger and shame elicited by discrimination: Moderating role of coping on action endorsements and salivary cortisol

Anger and shame elicited by discrimination: Moderating role of coping on action endorsements and salivary cortisol

Predictors of HIV-related stigma among young people living with HIV.

Racial Discrimination and Racial Identity as Risk or Protective Factors for Violent Behaviors in African American Young Adults

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