A subaltern middle class: The case of the missing “Black bourgeoisie” in America

Darity, William A.; Addo, Fenaba R.; Smith, Imari Z.

doi:10.1111/coep.12476

Cited by 30 publications

(32 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…We created a binary variable equal to one if the respondent’s net worth status falls within the top three wealth quintiles. This definition draws upon a wealth-based definition to define middle-class status as the middle three quintiles of the overall wealth distribution (Wolff 2017, Darity, Addo, and Smith 2020). Instead of trying to augment a definition of working class that incorporates wealth, we instead use this opportunity to augment discussions related to class, wealth, and work, and create a bridge between (working) class and (middle-class attainment) status via wealth.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Disparate Recoveries: Wealth, Race, and the Working Class after the Great Recession

Addo¹,

Darity²

2021

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Scie

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What does it mean to be working class in a society of extreme racial wealth inequality? Using data from the Survey of Consumer Finances, we investigate the wealth holdings of Black, Latinx, and white working-class households during the post–Great Recession (pre–COVID-19) period that spanned 2010 to 2019. We then explore the relationship between working-class and middle-class attainment using a wealth-based metric. We find that, in terms of their net worth, fewer Black working-class households benefitted from the economic recovery than white working-class households. Among white households, the working class saw the greatest increase in wealth in both absolute and relative terms. Working-class households were less likely to be middle class as defined by their wealth holdings, and Black and Latinx households were also less likely to be middle class. For Black households, racial identity is a stronger predictor of wealth attainment than occupational sector.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Recently, Darity, Addo, and Smith (2020) made the case for a wealth-based definition of middle-class status to capture, more accurately, the subaltern status of Black Americans, a comparatively privileged subgroup within a larger marginalized one. This is important because wealth in the United States can be transformative.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Disparate Recoveries: Wealth, Race, and the Working Class after the Great Recession

Addo¹,

Darity²

2021

The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Scie

Self Cite

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“…However, the analysis above, while critically important in understanding the wealth gap for the Black middle class (Darity et al, 2020), does not fully explain the treacherous plight of URMs’ participation in STEM. For example, URM STEM PhDs graduate with more debt than their White and Asian counterparts; within the past 10 years, the rate of African American doctoral degree recipients in the STEM fields who accrued any debt was more than 20% higher than the rate of non-URM recipients who accrued any debt (49% vs. 27%).…”

Section: Materials Consequences Of Structural Racism At the Highest Lementioning

confidence: 99%

Interrogating Structural Racism in STEM Higher Education

McGee

2020

Educational Researcher

265

248

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The racialized structure of STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) higher education maintains gross inequities that are illustrative of structural racism, which both informs and is reinforced by discriminatory beliefs, policies, values, and distribution of resources. Thus, an examination into structural racism in STEM is needed to expose the marginalization of underrepresented groups in STEM and to improve understanding of the STEM policies, practices, and procedures that allow the foundation of racism to remain intact. I argue that, even at the top of the education hierarchy, Black STEM doctorate students and PhD degree holders consistently endure the racist residue of higher education institutions and STEM employers. Thus, this manuscript also discusses how universities institutionalize diversity mentoring programs designed mostly to fix (read “assimilate”) underrepresented students of color while ignoring or minimizing the role of the STEM departments in creating racially hostile work and educational spaces. I argue that, without a critical examination of the structural racism omnipresent in the STEM, progress in racially diversifying STEM will continue at a snail’s pace.

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“…The average effect may not be a meaningful statistic if the application of the analysis to a subgroup in the analysis of the effects does not lead to the same conclusion as the average effect on the whole distribution (Bertanha, 2020). One important motivation to scrutinize in going beyond macro aggregate estimation to less aggregate analysis is the increasing public demand for more robust approaches to the evaluation of public policy programs directed toward specific subgroups of the population (Darity Jr. et al, 2021;Heckman, 2001). There is a small but growing strand of literature that is looking at these issues in using Regression discontinuity design approaches.…”

Section: Total Earnings +mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Forest Behind the Tree: Heterogeneity in How US Governor's Party Affects Black Workers

Tchuente¹,

Kakeu²,

Francois³

2021

Preprint

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Income inequality is a distributional phenomenon. This paper examines the impact of U.S governor's party allegiance (Republican vs Democrat) on ethnic wage gap. A descriptive analysis of the distribution of yearly earnings of Whites and Blacks reveals a divergence in their respective shapes over time suggesting that aggregate analysis may mask important heterogeneous effects. This motivates a granular estimation of the comparative causal effect of governors' party affiliation on labor market outcomes. We use a regression discontinuity design (RDD) based on marginal electoral victories and samples of quantiles groups by wage and hours worked. Overall, the distributional causal estimations show that the vast majority of subgroups of black workers earnings are not affected by democrat governors' policies, suggesting the possible existence of structural factors in the labor markets that contribute to create and keep a wage trap and/or hour worked trap for most of the subgroups of black workers. Democrat governors increase the number of hours worked of black workers at the highest quartiles of earnings. A bivariate quantiles groups analysis shows that democrats decrease the total hours worked for black workers who have the largest number of hours worked and earn the least.Black workers earning more and working fewer hours than half of the sample see their number of hours worked increase under a democrat governor.

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A subaltern middle class: The case of the missing “Black bourgeoisie” in America

Cited by 30 publications

References 20 publications

Disparate Recoveries: Wealth, Race, and the Working Class after the Great Recession

Disparate Recoveries: Wealth, Race, and the Working Class after the Great Recession

Interrogating Structural Racism in STEM Higher Education

The Forest Behind the Tree: Heterogeneity in How US Governor's Party Affects Black Workers

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