A revisit to the [Num-Cl-Modifier-de-N]/ [Modifier-de-Num-Cl‑N] variation in Mandarin Chinese

Abstract

This paper investigates the licensing condition of the [Num(eral)-Cl(assifier)-Mod(ifier)-de-N(oun)] / [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] variation in Mandarin Chinese. It is observed that this variation represents a complex interface phenomenon in the nominal domain, which is subject to the semantic condition concerning the i(ndividual)-level/​s(tage)-level nature of the modifier contained on the one hand, and the discourse-related condition concerning contrastive topic (ct) on the other. Based on this, at the syntax-semantics interface level, this paper proposes a division of the syntactic domain of adnominal modification to account for the discrepancy between i‑level and s‑level modifiers in terms of their capability in forming [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] in the neutral context. In the meanwhile, at the syntax-discourse interface level, in light of the interface-induced analysis pursued by Neeleman & Van de Koot (2008) and Horvath (2010), it is claimed that the word order of [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] could be adopted as a linguistic device to encode ct within the nominal domain in Mandarin Chinese, in which case the ordering of [Mod-de-Num-Cl‑N] is licensed for the purpose of establishing a transparent mapping between syntactic configuration and information structure.

Teaching and Learning Chinese as a Foreign or Second Language: The Educational Psychology Perspective

“…Generally, a modifier that denotes a stable, non-episodic property of the modified noun can only occur in between [Num-Cl] and the head noun but cannot precede the [Num-Cl] sequence in Mandarin Chinese, a restriction applied at the syntax-semantics interface, as shown in (i) below. However, such a restriction can be overridden at the syntax-discourse interface: a modifier denoting a stable, non-episodic property of the modified can be allowed to appear in front of [Num-Cl] if the modifier is associated with a contrastive focus reading (Jin, 2020). As exemplified in (ii) below [adapted from Jin (2020)], when there are three long-haired girls that (L1) acquisition and the early stage of L1 attrition [See Sorace (2011) and the references therein], and later to heritage language acquisition (e.g., Lardiere, 2011;Montrul and Polinsky, 2011;White, 2011).…”

“…However, such a restriction can be overridden at the syntax-discourse interface: a modifier denoting a stable, non-episodic property of the modified can be allowed to appear in front of [Num-Cl] if the modifier is associated with a contrastive focus reading (Jin, 2020). As exemplified in (ii) below [adapted from Jin (2020)], when there are three long-haired girls that (L1) acquisition and the early stage of L1 attrition [See Sorace (2011) and the references therein], and later to heritage language acquisition (e.g., Lardiere, 2011;Montrul and Polinsky, 2011;White, 2011). 2 As such, currently, the IH provides a unifying framework for bilingual language acquisition.…”

Language Interfaces in Adult Heritage Language Acquisition: A Study on Encoding of Nominal Reference in Mandarin Chinese as a Heritage Language

“…* chang-toufa de yi ge nüsheng long-hair DE one CL girl Intended: "a long-haired girl" However, such a restriction can be overridden at the syntax-discourse interface: a modifier denoting a stable, non-episodic property of the modified can be allowed to appear in front of [Num-Cl] if the modifier is associated with a contrastive focus reading (Jin, 2020). As exemplified in (ii) below [adapted from Jin (2020)], when there are three long-haired girls that (L1) acquisition and the early stage of L1 attrition [See Sorace (2011) and the references therein], and later to heritage language acquisition (e.g., Lardiere, 2011;Montrul and Polinsky, 2011;White, 2011). 2 As such, currently, the IH provides a unifying framework for bilingual language acquisition.…”