A post‐liberal theory of stratification

Abstract

The iconic ‘liberal theory’ of stratification fails to attend to the many types of downward mobility and wage loss generated by late‐industrial stratification systems. Although the liberal theory and its close cousins assume that loss and failure will be interpreted in individualistic terms, recent developments suggest instead that they are generating solidary groups that are increasingly locked into zero‐sum contest and successfully mobilized by politicians and other norm entrepreneurs. These developments imply a Marxisant future for late‐industrial inequality that bears scant resemblance to the highly individualized, unstructured, and non‐conflictual stratification system envisaged by the liberal theory. We outline a new post‐liberal theory of stratification that better captures the forces making for change and resistance in late‐industrial societies.

Industrial Automation and Intergenerational Income Mobility in the United States

“…These results run counter to the liberal thesis of industrialization that has long remained the primary foil for social mobility research (Jackson and Grusky, 2018;Pfeffer and Hertel, 2015)-that is, the conjecture that technological progress will reduce the transmission of status. Already three decades ago, Hout (1989, p. 7) called this "the most widely tested and least widely supported among the theories in this literature," and discontent goes back at least another three decades (Goldthorpe, 1960).…”

“…As structural transformation kept children from following in their parents' footsteps, increasingly universal modes of organization would ensure the dispersal of new opportunities in the population. While this so-called "liberal theory" of industrialization never enjoyed undivided support (Goldthorpe, 1960;Hout, 1989;Jackson and Grusky, 2018), now more than ever it is timely to revisit some of its tenets. In the past few decades, increased automation of jobs has displaced workers and exacerbated wage inequality as less-educated men in particular saw their advantages in the labor market deteriorate.…”

“…The weaker effect of class origins on status attainment at higher levels of education is well known (Hout, 1988;Torche, 2011), although recent research suggests that a college degree may act as less of a leveler for income than for occupational access (Karlson, 2019;Zhou, 2019). Nevertheless, when former industrial jobs disappear, getting a foot in the door of more skilled sectors is a vast improvement over the alternative: to join the ranks of a growing "new service proletariat" (Esping-Andersen, 1993) or lumpenproletariat (Jackson and Grusky, 2018). Beyond serving as an escalator for individual mobility, colleges may also spur local transformation by attracting public revenue, private investments, and stemming population decline (Cermeño, 2018;S.…”

Fixed-Term Work Contracts and Anti-Immigration Attitudes. A Novel Test of Ethnic Competition Theory

“…The role of loss vs. gain may explain why Dancygier and Donnelly (2013) only found an effect of sectoral shrinkage and of immigrant inflow during an economic crisis: it is not increasing actual competition that leads to a sense of ethnic competition, but (increasing) competition at a time when people have a realistic fear or experience of job loss. This finding further underlines the importance of economic loss as a cross-cutting narrative in contemporary western societies (Jackson and Grusky, 2018;Paskov et al, 2019).…”

Socioeconomic Mobility, Expectations and Attitudes Towards Inequality in Brazil

“…In fact, this does not seem to be a reality specific to Brazil, also being observed in other countries like the United States and the United Kingdom(Jackson & Grusky, 2018).…”