1999
DOI: 10.2307/3235284
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A Political Regimes Approach to the Analysis of Legal Decisions

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Cited by 26 publications
(11 citation statements)
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“…(Clayton and Pickerill, 2006: 1391)As Gillman writes, “the influence of regime politics ensures that federal judges, especially at the top of the judicial hierarchy, will have concerns and preferences that are usually in sync with other national power holders” (2006: 108). Central to understanding how this operates in practice, proponents argue, are influences like the legal positions articulated by political elites during elections and in party platforms, the judicial appointments process, and positions taken by legislators, the solicitor general, state governments and interest groups (Clayton and May, 1999).…”
Section: Political Regimes and American Judicial Decision Makingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…(Clayton and Pickerill, 2006: 1391)As Gillman writes, “the influence of regime politics ensures that federal judges, especially at the top of the judicial hierarchy, will have concerns and preferences that are usually in sync with other national power holders” (2006: 108). Central to understanding how this operates in practice, proponents argue, are influences like the legal positions articulated by political elites during elections and in party platforms, the judicial appointments process, and positions taken by legislators, the solicitor general, state governments and interest groups (Clayton and May, 1999).…”
Section: Political Regimes and American Judicial Decision Makingmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As Rosenberg memorably and provocatively echoed Dahl in 1991, after closely studying judicial efforts to advance civil and women's rights, and reaffirmed in 2008, after closely studying recent judicial efforts to advance same-sex marriage rights, "US courts can almost never be effective producers of social reform" ðRosenberg 1991, 338;2008, 442; emphasis in the originalÞ. 2 Despite the prominent view that courts are relatively weak and inconsequential policy makers, Dahl's and Rosenberg's views have been disputed ðsee, e.g., Casper 1976;Gates 1992;McCann 1992McCann , 1994Melnick 1994Melnick , 1996Canon 1998;Flemming, Bohte, and Wood 1998;Paris and McMahon 1998;Schultz and Gottlieb 1998;Zalman 1998;Clayton and May 1999;Whittington 2003;Klarman 2004;Pickerill and Clayton 2004;Tushnet 2006;Keck 2009;Swedlow 2009Þ, and many scholars point to particular areas in which courts have made and continue to make policy ðsee, e.g., Melnick 1994;Epp 1998Epp , 2009Feeley and Rubin 1998;Mather 1998;Reed 2001;Frymer 2003;Keck 2009;Swedlow 2009Þ. The most significant, broad-based challenges are found in two recent studies.…”
Section: P R E V I O U S V I E W S O F J U D I C I a L P O L I C Y M mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although not all RPA scholars rely on this broader conception of historical regimes, many have employed the idea to explain the Court's behavior (Clayton and May 1999; Johnsen 2003; Pickerill and Clayton 2004, 241; Clayton and Pickerill 2006, 1385–88; Gillman 2006, 108; Tushnet 2006, 11; Whittington 2007, 28–40). Even those scholars who do employ this theory are not uniform in their accounts of when particular regimes have achieved or lost dominance throughout US history.…”
Section: Foundations Of Regime Politicsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…“[T]he Court assists powerful officials within the current government in overcoming various structural barriers to realizing their ideological objectives through direct political action” (Whittington 2005a, 582). Even if judges are not “deciding cases on the basis of personal policy preferences or strategic calculations about their power relative to the other branches,” justices will still be “sensitive to the dominant values of the political regime” because “legal institutions are embedded within, and draw meaning from, the larger political regime” (Clayton and May 1999, 244–45).…”
Section: The Basic Claims Of Regime Politicsmentioning
confidence: 99%