A New Look at Region, Language, Ethnicity and Civic National Identity in Ukraine

Barrington, Lowell W.

doi:10.1080/09668136.2022.2032606

Cited by 19 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…But, for too long, Ukraine has been described as a weak and divided state and a state made weak by its ethnic and linguistic diversity. Scholars have recently observed shifting forms of identification in Ukraine and the growing prominence of civic nationalism (Barrington, 2022; Kulyk, 2018; Onuch & Hale, 2018). My research points to civic forms of identification and the importance of Ukrainian citizenship in the most unexpected region of Ukraine: Crimea prior to Russian annexation, in particular for younger Crimeans who grew up in a Ukrainian state disconnected from prior Soviet realities (Knott, 2022).…”

Section: Ukraine's Mobilisation Against Russian Existential Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Existential nationalism: Russia's war against Ukraine

Knott

2022

Nations and Nationalism

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If Russia stops fighting, there will be no war. If Ukraine stops fighting, there will be no Ukraine' is the sentiment used by Ukrainian protesters mobilising against Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Such a sentiment signifies the stakes of a war where Ukraine is a democratic nation-state fighting for its right to exist against a Russian invasion. Meanwhile, Russia is fighting for a version of Ukraine that is subservient to Russia's idea of what Ukraine should be as a nation-state: under a Russian hegemon geopolitically, where Ukraine's national idea and interpretation of history can be vetted and vetoed by the Russian state. While nationalism scholarship equips us to study Russia's war against Ukraine through the lens of Russian ethnic nationalism and Ukrainian civic nationalism, the ethnic/civic dichotomy falls short of unpacking the more pernicious logics that pervade Russia's intentions and actions towards Ukraine (demilitarisation and de-Nazification). Instead, this article explores the logics of Russia's war and Ukraine's resistance through the concept of existential nationalism where existential nationalism is Russia's motivation to pursue war, whatever the costs, and Ukraine's motivation to fight with everything it has.

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Section: Ukraine's Mobilisation Against Russian Existential Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Existential nationalism: Russia's war against Ukraine

Knott

2022

Nations and Nationalism

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“…It is generally stated that the crisis in Ukraine is not contemporary, as it practically began with the dissolution of the former Soviet Union, exists to the present day, and is related to a range of issues, such as political, nationalist, and religious (Malyarenko and Wolff, 2018;Harris, 2020;Charap and Darden, 2014;Bond, 2015;Stanisław, 2021;Braithwaite, 2022). Likewise, Barrington (2022) in his study argues that there are also issues of language, ethnicity, regional divides, and other demographic factors on important political attitudes in Ukraine. From that point of view, Bauer (2022) focuses on a historical retrospective that essentially starts from the ninth century and the time of the Varangians (Vikings) who pre-settled in the Ukrainian region to reach the current escalation in Ukraine.…”

Section: Causes Of Russia's Invasion Of Ukraine In 2022mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Economic Impact of Russia’s Ukraine Conflict on the EU Fuel Markets

Kalogiannidis

Chatzitheodoridis

Kalfas

et al. 2022

IJEEP

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The recent Russian invasion of Ukraine has had significant effects on the global economy. The purpose of study is to display how Russia's aggression and the international sanctions imposed have affected the European economy, especially the petrol and gas market. Albeit the goal of sanctions was to press and hurt Russia, seems to harm in equal to the European economies mainly through immediate effects on the supply of energy. If the war in Ukraine lasts, estimated that the energy prices will stay high, and the European governments will feel uncertain about the available quantity and adequacy of energy resources.

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“…It seems plausible, after the Russian aggressions from 2014 onwards and the recent hospitality of neighbouring countries (Dollmann et al 2022), that the group of supporters for EU and NATO accession has increased. However, a study from late 2018 that asked participants about their current strength of Ukrainian attachment compared to their attachment within the last 5 years found only a few changes (Barrington 2022). Currently however, studies from Ukrainian research agencies report that, in the event of a referendum, 86 % of the respondents in Ukraine would support joining the EU, and 83 % would support joining NATO (Rating Group 2022).…”

Section: Bullet Pointsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…These three concepts tap into different dimensions of EU support: attitude and policy preferences as rather short-term dispositions to evaluate the EU, and attachment as a rather long-standing affective orientation. Previous studies have shown that communal identity with Ukraine especially (attachment and language use), as well as regional ties and sociodemographic variables such as age, gender, and education (e.g., Barrington 2022;Munro 2007) matter when it comes to EU-related foreign policy preferences. We extend these analyses to the now-polarized context in the middle of the war, and we ask how communal identity, regional origin, and other sociodemographic factors affect EU support, and whether this impact is the same for different dimensions of EU support.…”

Section: Bullet Pointsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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High levels of support for European Union accession in Ukraine during the war in 2022. An analysis based on the ReUP study

Walter¹,

Mayer²,

Dollmann³

et al. 2022

Preprint

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The relationship between Ukraine and the European Union (EU) has received increasing international attention in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine. Using data collected as part of the Resettlement of Ukrainians Panel Study (ReUP), we analyse in this DeZIM.insights working paper the drivers of three dimensions of support towards the EU: positive attitude, attachment, and support for EU accession. We relate support with different concepts such as communal identity and with sociodemographic variables such as age, education, and gender. We find that support among Ukrainians for EU accession is high and that overall attitudes towards the EU are positive. Our multivariate analyses reveal that communal identity and regional origins in particular appear to be drivers of an orientation towards the EU. Regarding sociodemographic variables, we find higher levels of support among the oldest age group (respondents aged 51 years and older) on all three levels, and a higher feeling of attachment with the EU among respondents with a university degree.

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A New Look at Region, Language, Ethnicity and Civic National Identity in Ukraine

Cited by 19 publications

References 45 publications

Existential nationalism: Russia's war against Ukraine

Existential nationalism: Russia's war against Ukraine

The Economic Impact of Russia’s Ukraine Conflict on the EU Fuel Markets

High levels of support for European Union accession in Ukraine during the war in 2022. An analysis based on the ReUP study

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