A minimalist theory of A-movement and control

Manzini, M. Rita; Roussou, Anna

doi:10.1016/s0024-3841(00)00006-1

Cited by 167 publications

(130 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Versions of this hypothesis are articulated in Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 1998, Manzini & Roussou 1999, Manzini & Savoia 2002, and Platzack 2003. If Agr is interpretable, it could, on that account, specify the features of pro.…”

Section: Two Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is There a Little Pro? Evidence from Finnish

2005

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The traditional view of the null subject as pro identified by Agr (the φ−features of I) cannot be maintained in a theory where Agr is uninterpretable. Two hypotheses are compared with regard to the predictions they make for Finnish null subject constructions: (A) Agr is interpretable in null-subject languages, and pro is therefore redundant; (B) Null subjects are specified but unpronounced pronouns which assign values to the uninterpretable features of Agr. Since Finnish observes the EPP and has an expletive pronoun, Hypothesis A predicts that null subjects should co-occur with expletives. The prediction is false, favouring B over A.A typology of null subjects is proposed: Null bound pronouns and null generic pronouns in partial null-subject languages, including Finnish, are D-less φPs, and so are null subjects in consistent null-subject languages with Agr, such as Spanish, Greek, etc. Null 1 st and 2 nd person subjects in Finnish are DPs which are deleted. Null pronouns in languages without Agr, such as Chinese or Japanese are the only true instances of pro, a minimally specified null noun.key words: null subject, empty category, phi-feature, expletive, pronoun,

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Section: Two Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Is There a Little Pro? Evidence from Finnish

2005

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“…Jackendoff 1997). I hypothesize that these constructions involve a 6-feature checked in the syntax and spelled out only at LF as part of a nominal expression (DP) occupying the external argument position of the verbal predicate; Manzini andRoussou 1998: 12-13 andHornstein 1999:78-9 consider 0-roles to have a syntactic representation as formal features, although these authors arrive at this idea for reasons other than the ones I present here.…”

Section: Example (26) In Authier and Reed 1992mentioning

confidence: 83%

On the Marginal Functions and Features of Object Clitics, with Special Reference to Modern Greek

Bibis

2009

rql

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ABSTRACTWritten within the minimalist program approach to grammar (Chomsky 1995), this paper examines the nature of θ-role requirements in three types of object clitic constructions:idiomaticandaffected accusativein Modern Greek, andaffected dativein Modern Greek and French. I do not treat the idiomatic clitic constructions as lexically listed VPs, but as being derived syntactically. Furthermore, I argue that these constructions contain Tense and Person intrinsic features that are not visible to the syntax, and an obligatory θ-feature [EXPERIENCER] checked in the syntax by means of the operation Attract-F. Affected accusatives are analyzed as non-A-bound θ-marked affixes which attract an interpretable θ-feature [EXPERIENCER] associated with V. A simple VP syntactic structure without clitic movement is attributed to them. Lastly, for affected dative constructions, I propose avshell syntactic structure with base-generation of the clitic.

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“…The syntactic structuring of the expression is not very different from that of an Aux-V context. In fact, for Manzini & Roussou (2000) control is an operation directly binding a theta-role, i.e. an argument slot; in other words, no PRO is present.…”

Section: Syntactic Contexts Of Optional Applicationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Which syntactic information gets interpreted by phonosyntactic processes? Evidence from /u/ propagation in Southern Italian dialects

Manzini¹,

Savoia²

2016

Approaches to Metaphony in the Languages of Italy

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We address the classical problem of the relation between syntax and phonology starting from the view that phonology, as an interpretive component, works together with morphology and the lexicon as an externalization device (Berwick & Chomsky 2011). We consider a set of phonosyntactic phenomena (i.e. syntactically conditioned phonological phenomena), involving the spreading of /u/ and the preservation of final −a in some Southern Italian varieties. In section 1 we review the data concerning the phonology of /u/ propagation and the syntactic conditions placed on it -as well as treatments suggested for phonosyntactic phenomena within the minimalist framework. In section 2, after providing a phonological analysis within the framework of Savoia (this volume), we argue that the fine variation observed in phonosyntactic contexts of /u/ propagation requires the externalization component to read syntactico-semantic representations. In section 3 we provide a comparison with syntactic conditions on a different phonological process in the same dialects, final −a preservation, and draw some conclusions as to the nature of parametrization.

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A minimalist theory of A-movement and control

Cited by 167 publications

References 9 publications

Is There a Little Pro? Evidence from Finnish

Is There a Little Pro? Evidence from Finnish

On the Marginal Functions and Features of Object Clitics, with Special Reference to Modern Greek

Which syntactic information gets interpreted by phonosyntactic processes? Evidence from /u/ propagation in Southern Italian dialects

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