A Minimalist Approach to Concord in Noun Phrases

Mallén, Enrique

doi:10.1515/thli.1997.23.1-2.49

Cited by 15 publications

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“…So, for example, when N 0 moves to F 1 0 , the adjective in Spec, F 1 P can agree with it, and so on. This is essentially the analysis proposed by Carstens (2000); Cinque (1994); Mallen (1997). However, N 0 does not move all the way to the top of the nominal extended projection in every language.…”

Section: Analyses Of Concord With Adjectives As Specifiers Of Functiomentioning

confidence: 62%

“…Under one proposal, adjectives are specifiers of functional projections within the nominal spine, as represented schematically below (Cinque, ; among others). A structure like this for adjectives is assumed in analyses of concord by Bonet (); Bonet et al (); Carstens (); Cinque (); Collins (); Danon (); Laenzlinger (); and Mallen (), though the identify of the functional heads (F 1 and F 2 above) varies.…”

Section: Concord In Gender and Numbermentioning

confidence: 97%

“…(2) A structure like this for adjectives is assumed in analyses of concord by ; Bonet et al (2015); Carstens (2000); Cinque (1994); Collins (2004); Danon (2011); Laenzlinger (2005); and Mallen (1997), though the identify of the functional heads (F 1 and F 2 above) varies.…”

Section: Analyses Of Concord With Adjectives As Specifiers Of Functiomentioning

confidence: 99%

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Description and analyses of nominal concord (Pt II)

Norris

2017

Language and Linguist. Compass

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This paper discusses the current understanding of what has been called nominal concord, whereby modifiers of a noun match certain features of the noun (e.g., gender, number, or case features). Part I discusses existing understanding of concord, remaining as descriptive as possible. Concord has been argued to involve gender, number, case, and definiteness, and nearly every word class that can be present inside nominal phrases is capable of showing concord. I consider some questions concerning the typology of concord, which is largely uncharted territory. Part II focuses on existing formal analyses of concord. Analyses of ϕ‐feature concord are rather varied, but analyses of case concord more or less converge on the same mechanism. Finally, I consider the insight offered by analyses of cases of mixed concord, where modifiers do not all match each other or the head noun in features or feature values.

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Section: Analyses Of Concord With Adjectives As Specifiers Of Functiomentioning

confidence: 62%

Section: Concord In Gender and Numbermentioning

confidence: 97%

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Description and analyses of nominal concord (Pt II)

Norris

2017

Language and Linguist. Compass

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“…In this section, I assemble these arguments and go through the evidence. Crucially, I do not address proposals where GenP is the location of a gender agreement/concord marker (as in, e.g., Shlonsky, ; Coopmans, ; Mallen, ; Laenzlinger, ). This paper is only concerned with gender features that are involved in gender assignment, not in gender agreement…”

Section: There Is No Genderpmentioning

confidence: 99%

The location of gender features in the syntax

Kramer

2016

Language and Linguist. Compass

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The goal of this paper is to critically review the results of linguistic research on the syntactic location of gender features. It has become relatively clear that gender features do not project their own phrase “GenP” and they are not located on the Num(ber) head that hosts number features. Instead, the field mostly agrees that gender features are located on the nominal—either on N or, in approaches that decompose lexical categories, on the nominalizing head n. Additional gender features have been proposed higher in the structure in order to capture certain processes that impose their own gender (e.g., diminutives are always feminine in the Semitic language Amharic) and to capture patterns of hybrid agreement (e.g., Russian nouns that are grammatically masculine but may trigger feminine agreement when referring to a woman).

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“…Under the assumption that syntactic structure is projected from the lexicon, the claim that ÔÔnominativeÕÕ is a syntactic category might be construed as entailing that there is a lexical item that projects this category. In fact, the features of a DP are typically inherited from the heads that compose it-[+wh] coming from D, for example, and [+feminine] coming from N. The notion of a syntactically independent ÔÔCase headÕÕ (K[ase]) providing a Case feature is proposed byGuerssel (1992), Sigurðsson (1993),Bittner and Hale (1996),Bosque and Picallo (1996),Mallen (1997), and others. These authors have effectively already made the claim I am making here.…”

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confidence: 99%

Symmetry in Structure Building

Hallman¹

2004

Syntax

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This paper defends three interconnected claims: (a) selection is the only licensing procedure available to UG, specifically, checking is an instance of selection; (b) selection obtains in the mutual c-command configuration; and (c) though a head does not mutually c-command its own specifier, it mutually c-commands the specifier of its complement. A head may therefore license the specifier of its complement (as well as its complement) but not its own specifier (it is not local enough). This effectively eliminates the spec-head configuration from the repertoire of syntactic configurations, in favor of a unified notion of locality strictly identifiable with mutual c-command, a symmetric configuration. The discussion shows that a theory that collapses these distinctions remains empirically discriminating. The resulting theory is therefore genuinely reductionist.

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A Minimalist Approach to Concord in Noun Phrases

Cited by 15 publications

References 0 publications

Description and analyses of nominal concord (Pt II)

Description and analyses of nominal concord (Pt II)

The location of gender features in the syntax

Symmetry in Structure Building

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