A microtypological survey of noun classes in Kwa

Abstract

This paper provides an overview of noun class systems in a sample of 20 Kwa languages. It focuses on the synchronic productivity of noun classification in Kwa as opposed to the full-fledged class system assumed for Proto-Kwa and for the general “Niger-Congo prototype” (Good, Jeff. 2012. How to become a “Kwa” noun.” Morphology 22(2). 293–335; Creissels, Denis. Forthcoming. Noun class systems in Atlantic languages. To appear. In Friederike Lüpke (ed.), The Oxford guide to the Atlantic languages of West Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press). The productivity of class morphology on nouns is studied by exploring class marker alternations as exponents of other grammatical phenomena: the formation of the plural, diminutive derivation and nominalization. We also discuss class indexation on nominal modifiers (adjectives, numerals, demonstratives and indefinite markers) as well as subject and object pronominals. We demonstrate that Kwa languages tend to follow the typological tendencies pertaining to class marking on nouns and class indexation, e.g. the Agreement hierarchy (Corbett, Greville G. 1979. The agreement hierarchy. Journal of Linguistics 15. 203–224), as established for world languages in general and Niger-Congo family in particular (Good, Jeff. 2012. How to become a “Kwa” noun.” Morphology 22(2). 293–335). However, some intriguing discrepancies, e.g. different patterning of indexation on adjectives vs. on numerals in Kwa as opposed to some other Niger-Congo branches, were also attested. In diachronic perspective, our findings suggest that noun class systems are flexible as they show high intragenetic variation and are easily degradable, but they almost never disappear completely.

Pronouns in Ginyanga

“…Apart from cross-referencing the subject in the verb, the typical noun class agreement targets in Kwa are numerals, adjectives, demonstratives and indefinite markers [12]. In Ginyanga there is noun class agreement of cardinal numerals from 1 to 6 and demonstratives -bʊnʊ "that" and -balɪ "this" (in the latter two contexts, there is only one agreement target, and therefore no harmonic variation).…”

Conjoined subjects and verbal agreement resolution in Akebu

“…In particular, GTM languages have full-fledged noun class systems (see an early review and an attempt of reconstruction in Heine 1968) along with the Guang group of Kwa (see reconstructions of Proto-Guang noun class systems in Manessy 1987;Snider 1988). This distinguishes them from other groups of Kwa, which either do not retain the noun class system at all, or have vestigial noun class systems (see Güldemann & Fiedler 2019: 114-137;Konoshenko & Shavarina 2019 for surveys and discussions). Thus, although the Kwa languages are usually assumed to be isolating and to have minimal morphology, they, in fact, differ in their nominal morphology and agreement systems.…”