A luta pela cidadania (sexual): o dilema italiano entre “natureza e cultura”

Abstract

Recent public debate in Italy has been noteworthy for its renewed focus on issues of gender and sexual citizenship. The discussion is well summarized and symbolized by two opposing political discourses that have been engaged in a lengthy struggle. On one side stands a neo -conservative Catholic movement that opposes the recognition of LGBTQ relationships and defends "the natural family". On the other side there are the LGBTQ movements, which are claiming full civil, social and sexual citizenship. The present article analyzes this conflict, which was clearly illustrated by two public events held in Rome in June 2015 (Family Day and the Rome LGBTQ Pride). The paper, methodologically based on Critical Discourse Analysis, examines the most relevant political documents (manifestos and press releases) issued by the organizers of the two demonstrations, highlighting the existence of ambivalent discourses on the naturalization of sex and the universalization of social and sexual citizenship.

Unpacking LGBT+ hate crimes discourse in Italy: between symbolic recognition and claims for sexual citizenship

“…As noted above, the data on HCs are not sufficient to shed light on the true extent of experiences of discrimination and violence, which are better represented in victimization surveys. Here too, important steps are being taken, as shown in the special surveys of the LGBTþ population carried out by the National Institute of Statistics, the first data which have only recently been published (ISTAT 2022(ISTAT , 2023 [4]. However, to promote real change,…”

“…The ideological pillars of the anti-gender repertoire consist of the moral imperative to heterosexual reproduction and attacking the right to abortion (Paternotte and Kuhar, 2018; Bielska-Brodziak et al , 2020), through the imposition of the traditional family as the main and exclusive place of recognition of affective and reproductive relationships, social discipline and control, and distribution of welfare resources (Brandzel, 2005; Gago, 2019). Therefore, one of the explicit neoconservative goals is to expropriate LGBT+ people from reproductive rights and sexual citizenship (Herdt, 2009; Bellè et al , 2016).…”

“…Violence and discrimination motivated by sexual orientation, gender identity and sexual characteristics are thus excluded from this crime, as are those motivated by disability. Recently, the so-called “Zan” bill sought to extend the offences to include these motivations, but the tortuous path to approval ended in its rejection in 2021, mainly related to the Italian public’s resistance to granting full legitimacy to the sexual citizenship of LGBT+ people (Bellè et al , 2016; Prearo, 2020).…”

La disputa del género en el Estado español desde el análisis del activismo católico

“…En este contexto ha sido clave la forma en que la perspectiva de género o las políticas de igualdad han sido incorporadas en la vida social y política, no sólo a través de diferentes regulaciones legislativas sino también apostando por un determinado desarrollo de la igualdad de género y los derechos sexuales y reproductivos. Aunque la batalla de algunos grupos religiosos contra las políticas de género se ha convertido en un fenómeno transnacional en los últimos años, España fue el primer país europeo en el que los activistas laicos católicos se movilizaron masivamente en las calles a partir de 2005 (Paternotte 2015), pero su discurso y su repertorio de movilización se extenderían hasta Argentina, en 2010, Francia, en 2011, Brasil, Polonia, Eslovaquia y Haití, en 2013, Italia y Hungría, en 2015, o Colombia, México, Chile, Bolivia, en 2016 (Bellé, Peroni, y Rapetti 2016;Cornejo-Valle y Pichardo-Galán, en prensa, 2017;Perintfalvi 2016). Los primeros pasos en España empezaron a darse cuando el parlamento legalizó el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo (2005).…”