A Frame Analysis of Favor Seeking in the Renaissance: Agency, Networks, and Political Culture

McLean, Paul D.

doi:10.1086/210002

Cited by 172 publications

(59 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…By symbolic resources, we refer to cultural objects (Lamont and Small, 2008) such as frames (McLean, 1998) and their associated schemata (Srivastava, 2012b), worldviews (Vaisey and Lizardo, 2010), and narratives (Somers, 1994). These resources enable actors to shape and alter the meaning and purpose of social relations (cf.…”

Section: Resourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A third ideal type, Reorienting, entails the use of these symbolic resources for instrumental purposes (with the intent of improving an actor's structural position). Examples of Reorienting include Renaissanceera patronage letters, in which actors invoke and manipulate frames to improve network positions over time (McLean, 1998) and sports talk in the workplace, which unites men across class boundaries and enables them to more effectively coordinate instrumental activity (Erickson, 1996). Structure impinges on Reorienting primarily via recombination-that is, by limiting the number and variety of novel combinations of symbolic resources that can be assembled to advance an actor's interests.…”

Section: Reorienting: Marshaling Symbolic Resources To Achieve Instrumentioning

confidence: 99%

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Bringing Agency Back into Network Research: Constrained Agency and Network Action

Gulati¹,

Srivastava²

2014

Research in the Sociology of Organizations

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This article enriches the conception of agency that prevails in network research by proposing a framework of constrained agency. Our framework is grounded in the resources and motivations that actors draw on within their structurally constrained context. Structural positions influence the resources available to actors and color the motivations that shape their actions. At the same time resources equip actors to exert agency while motivations propel them to do so. Examining how specific resources are used when particular motivations are operative reveals ideal types of constrained agency. Within the wide range of actions that constrained agency can encompass, we focus on network action. We derive a typology of network actions and illustrate how the form of constrained agency through which a particular network action is taken can affect actors' ensuing structural positions and the nature of the constraints they subsequently face. We conclude by discussing how this conceptualization of constrained agency can help identify new sources of endogenous change in network structure and can serve as a guide for future empirical research.3

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Section: Resourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Reorienting: Marshaling Symbolic Resources To Achieve Instrumentioning

confidence: 99%

Bringing Agency Back into Network Research: Constrained Agency and Network Action

Gulati¹,

Srivastava²

2014

Research in the Sociology of Organizations

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“…We usually think about deliberative politics in terms of oral exchanges that occur in real time, rather than printed exchanges that occur over the space of days. In 'letters to the editor,' people do deliberative politics through writing (see McLean, 1998), a type of deliberative politics structured by the medium and the institutional nature of mass newspapers. While 'letters to the editor' can create a serial discussion as readers engage in back and forth responses to one another's letters, such exchanges lacks the spontaneity that an interpersonal discussion might have.…”

Section: Pamela Johnston Conover and Donald D Searing Everyday Politmentioning

confidence: 99%

Studying ‘Everyday Political Talk’ in the Deliberative System

2005

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'Everyday political talk' is an increasingly important part of what Jane Mansbridge characterizes as 'deliberative systems' in industrialized democracies. However, how is it practiced by ordinary people? And how does their practice affect democracy and citizenship? Our paper addresses four questions: (1) How should everyday political talk be conceptualized as a component of the 'deliberative system'? (2) What can and cannot be learned by studying normative topics like deliberation empirically? (3) How can we investigate such everyday talk using the methodologies of survey research, focus groups and content analysis? (4) What have we learned in our own research programs from each methodological approach? Acta Politica (2005) 40, 269-283. doi:10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500113Keywords: deliberation; deliberative system; deliberative democracy; citizens; citizenship Introduction 'Everyday political talk' is central to democratic citizenship. It is an increasingly important part of what Jane Mansbridge (1999) characterizes as 'deliberative systems' in industrialized democracies. However, how is it practiced by ordinary people? And how does their practice affect democracy and citizenship? For unlike political elites, or even political activists, average citizens have few opportunities to deliberate rigorously in formal institutional settings. Most of their political discussions are therefore quite unstructured. And yet these exchanges both constrain and contribute to the evolution of political ideas and policy proposals. They are also said to provide a civic education that teaches desirable democratic attitudes and practices.Our paper addresses four questions: (1) How should everyday political talk be conceptualized as a component of the 'deliberative system'? (2) What can and cannot be learned by studying normative topics like deliberation empirically? (3) How can we investigate such everyday talk using the methodologies of survey research, focus groups and content analysis? (4) Acta Politica, 2005, 40, (269-283) What have we learned in our own research programs from each methodological approach?Everyday Political Talk in the Deliberative SystemThe deliberative turn in democratic theory illuminated public deliberations that seek common ground and that might strengthen the culture and practice of citizenship (Dryzek, 2000). This enlarged our focus to encompass not just the aggregation of preferences but also the processes by which preferences and the broader values that shape them are formed (Shapiro, 2003). Many liberal theorists and empirical researchers have recently joined the enterprise. However, they have frequently focused on deliberations in institutional settings, where exchanges are likely to be more genuinely deliberative, rather than on the everyday political talk of average citizens (Schauer, 1999). Indeed, many have pushed ordinary citizens out of the picture because their talk is often unstructured and not directed at producing publicly binding decisions (Gutmann and Thompson, 1996). Yet it is difficult to...

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“…In contrast, 2 Klapisch-Zuber, 1978, 1985;Cohn, 1980Cohn, , 1988Cohn, , 1992Cohn, , 1996Cohn, , 1999Cohn, , 2002Weissman, 1982;Molho, 1968Molho, , 1994Molho, , 2000Morrison, Kirshner and Molho, 1985;Litchfield, 1986;Barbagli, 1994;Padgett and Ansell, 1993;McLean, 1997, 2006, forthcoming;McLean, 1998Emigh, 1997aEmigh, , 1997bEmigh, , 2000Emigh, , 2003Botticini, 1999Botticini, , 2000Botticini, , 2003. Outside of Florence, prominent examples of historical studies using quantitative methods include Tilly, 1964Tilly, , 1995Laslett, 1965Laslett, , 1972Stone, 1965;Stone and Fawtier-Stone, 1984;Sewell, 1985;Markoff, 1996;Hoffman, Postel-Vinay and Rosenthal, 2000;Clark, 2007.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Open Elite? Social Mobility, Marriage, and Family in Florence, 1282–1494^*

Padgett

2010

Renaiss. Q.

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This article statistically analyzes quantitative data from numerous sources in order to assess changes in marriage patterns, family structure, and rates of social mobility during the period from 1282 to 1494. During this period, three systems of social stratification coexisted — wealth, political office, and age of family — but these contending status systems were not consistent in their rankings of families. Each status system was conservative in the sense that elite families at the top of that hierarchy married each other in order to stabilize their position. But because of inconsistency in rankings, contradiction within the elite opened up the Florentine marriage system to widespread upward social mobility by new men. In their own families, successful new men aggressively imitated their economically and politically declining status superiors. Sharp class divisions thereby blurred into continuous and negotiable status gradients. These open-elite patterns of social mobility, present throughout the early Florentine Renaissance, were most extreme during the Albizzi regime, immediately following the Ciompi Revolt.

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A Frame Analysis of Favor Seeking in the Renaissance: Agency, Networks, and Political Culture

Cited by 172 publications

References 25 publications

Bringing Agency Back into Network Research: Constrained Agency and Network Action

Bringing Agency Back into Network Research: Constrained Agency and Network Action

Studying ‘Everyday Political Talk’ in the Deliberative System

Open Elite? Social Mobility, Marriage, and Family in Florence, 1282–1494^*

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A Frame Analysis of Favor Seeking in the Renaissance: Agency, Networks, and Political Culture

Cited by 172 publications

References 25 publications

Bringing Agency Back into Network Research: Constrained Agency and Network Action

Bringing Agency Back into Network Research: Constrained Agency and Network Action

Studying ‘Everyday Political Talk’ in the Deliberative System

Open Elite? Social Mobility, Marriage, and Family in Florence, 1282–1494*

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Open Elite? Social Mobility, Marriage, and Family in Florence, 1282–1494^*