“…A formidable ‗wine industry complex' has evolved dominated by white Afrikaner men, many of whom were leading supporters of the National Party under apartheid. To a large extent, this white elite 13 continues to run the industry's major businesses and institutions (Ewert and du Toit 2004). It is thus hardly surprising that processes of black empowerment and broader societal transformation are often interpreted rather conservatively.…”
Section: The Challenges Of Transformation In the Winelandsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Recent research, however, reveals that the legacy of apartheid-era working conditions still affects labour within the industry. Pay rates tend to be very low, whilst working hours frequently exceed those laid down as acceptable by government legislation (Brown et al 12 2003; Ewert and du Toit 2004;Women on Farms Project 2003). Physical abuse of workers is still evident on some farms and child labour is not uncommon, especially during seasonal peaks of labour demand.…”
Section: The Challenges Of Transformation In the Winelandsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As many as a third of farmers, for example, no longer consider the provision of housing to be part of their contract with employees (Ewert and du Toit 2004).…”
Section: The Challenges Of Transformation In the Winelandsmentioning
Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-pro t purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details.
AbstractNewly emerging ethical trade practices in the South African wine industry are examined as a way of engaging with debates about the ability of alternative trade approaches to facilitate meaningful opportunities for socio-economic development in the global South.The South African wine industry has undergone rapid restructuring since the end of apartheid in order to meet the demands of international markets. However, transforming racially skewed ownership and skill patterns is proving a particular challenge. This paper outlines some of the initiatives that have been introduced to stimulate socio-economic change within the industry. By utilising analytical tools such as commodity chains, networks and cultural approaches we demonstrate that a complex array of forces is driving change on the ground. Such forces include national imperatives derived from the legacy of apartheid and the concerns of consumers in the global north. The paper concludes by considering the types of local and global constraints that need to be challenged if these initiatives are to be successful in facilitating meaningful socioeconomic transformation within the wine industry.
“…A formidable ‗wine industry complex' has evolved dominated by white Afrikaner men, many of whom were leading supporters of the National Party under apartheid. To a large extent, this white elite 13 continues to run the industry's major businesses and institutions (Ewert and du Toit 2004). It is thus hardly surprising that processes of black empowerment and broader societal transformation are often interpreted rather conservatively.…”
Section: The Challenges Of Transformation In the Winelandsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Recent research, however, reveals that the legacy of apartheid-era working conditions still affects labour within the industry. Pay rates tend to be very low, whilst working hours frequently exceed those laid down as acceptable by government legislation (Brown et al 12 2003; Ewert and du Toit 2004;Women on Farms Project 2003). Physical abuse of workers is still evident on some farms and child labour is not uncommon, especially during seasonal peaks of labour demand.…”
Section: The Challenges Of Transformation In the Winelandsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…As many as a third of farmers, for example, no longer consider the provision of housing to be part of their contract with employees (Ewert and du Toit 2004).…”
Section: The Challenges Of Transformation In the Winelandsmentioning
Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-pro t purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details.
AbstractNewly emerging ethical trade practices in the South African wine industry are examined as a way of engaging with debates about the ability of alternative trade approaches to facilitate meaningful opportunities for socio-economic development in the global South.The South African wine industry has undergone rapid restructuring since the end of apartheid in order to meet the demands of international markets. However, transforming racially skewed ownership and skill patterns is proving a particular challenge. This paper outlines some of the initiatives that have been introduced to stimulate socio-economic change within the industry. By utilising analytical tools such as commodity chains, networks and cultural approaches we demonstrate that a complex array of forces is driving change on the ground. Such forces include national imperatives derived from the legacy of apartheid and the concerns of consumers in the global north. The paper concludes by considering the types of local and global constraints that need to be challenged if these initiatives are to be successful in facilitating meaningful socioeconomic transformation within the wine industry.
“…The question of which kind of knowledge or expertise takes preference is important here. In South Africa, this idea is linked to a longstanding tradition of paternalism (Ewert and Du Toit 2005) and stereotypical ideas about farm workers (Waldman 1996, Bolt 2017, Eriksson 2017. Farm dwellers' invisibility means that they are often not considered as legitimate decision makers or claim makers.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While the owner or manager interviewed may have hired more staff, the numbers often do account for the fact that most of the farm dwellers on the farms acquired to expand the game farm (on average approximately five; see Langholz and Kerley 2006) lost their jobs as well as access to land. It must be noted, however, that shedding and casualization of labor are strategies also deployed by the remaining commercial farmers in South Africa (e.g., Du Toit 2004, Ewert and Du Toit 2005.…”
Section: Making Farm Dwellers Visible As Stakeholders In Game Farmingmentioning
ABSTRACT. Here, we discuss tensions inherent in multistakeholder approaches addressing conflicts over natural resources as well as the involvement of stakeholders in research. Our discussion is built on knowledge generated by extensive research on the impacts of private farm conversions to game farms in South Africa, where significant increases in farm conversions have been observed since the 1990s. The studies had a particular focus on the consequences for farm dwellers, one of the most marginalized groups in the South African countryside. The research findings challenge the dominant narrative that game farming offers a win-win situation for nature conservation and rural development. Based on data from the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal provinces, we extended the narrow technical and economic framing of the narrative to include the socio-political meanings of the conversions. We reflect on a series of multistakeholder workshops that we organized, partly as a requirement of the funding agency. The workshop aims were to disseminate our research findings among the stakeholder groups and explore ways to mitigate the negative impacts of conversions. We discuss how we organized the engagement process in ways that sought to address the power differences between game farmers, the State, and farm dwellers. The main challenge appeared to be that farm dwellers were not recognized as stakeholders. This "invisibility" has multiple reasons, in particular, the historical and current trajectories of land dispossession. It is also linked to specific institutional and personal relations in the two provinces, resulting in different uses of the workshop spaces. By considering the complexities of stakeholder relations in the farm conversion context, we gained a deeper understanding of the politics of land and belonging in the still unequal postapartheid rural landscape. Based on experiences from the research as well as the workshops, we take a critical stance regarding mainstream notions of stakeholder engagement and resilience building. We argue that if we fail to consider power relations and politics explicitly in these processes, we risk neglecting important conflicts and reproducing the invisibility of marginalized stakeholders.
This study examines bottled wine demand in the United Kingdom (UK) by exporting country and assesses the structural adjustment in demand as indicated by the decline in imports since 2004. When comparing the two periods, 1995-2003 and 2005-2009, UK wine imports from Australia became more responsive to changes in aggregate wine expenditures (in real terms) in the latter period. The demand for French wines became more price inelastic in the latter period while the demand for other European wines became price elastic. If the UK government is concerned with decreasing alcohol consumption, an increase in the wine excise tax would lead to a relatively larger decrease in imports from Italy, Portugal, and Spain. The tax on French wines would lead to greater revenue, but a smaller decrease in French wine consumption. [EconLit citations: F14; Q11; Q17]. r
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