A bourgeois story? The class basis of Catalan independentism

Rich kids of Europe? Social basis and strategic choices in the climate activism of Fridays for Future

“…We use that protest survey data base to explore the structural bases of organized collective mobilization among climate justice protesters. In line with existing research on other movements – for example, the global justice, anti-austerity, and secessionist mobilizations (see, e.g., Chase-Dunn and Reese, 2007); della Porta, 2015; Giugni and Grasso, 2019; della Porta and Portos, 2020, 2021) – in the case of contemporary climate activism, we identify heterogeneity in terms of social composition and the potential to forge cross-class coalitions in order to build a mass movement. While young, educated, middle-class people are overrepresented in, and are often leading, the climate school strikes and mobilizations, these protest events involves people from a variety of social groups, including the urban working classes.…”

October 2017 in Catalonia: The anarchists and the procés

“…35 Catalan nationalism has been viewed as an elite phenomenon, which was certainly the case in the 1960s cultural movements (Guibernau, 2004), and of parties such as CDC (Marcet & Argelaguet, 1998). Recent scholarship, however, discusses this assumption (Della Porta & Portos, 2021). The December 2017 elections witnessed a marked increase in independentist support in working-class areas (even areas with a migrant majority) whereas in some affluent areas, the independentist vote had a slight decrease (Sánchez & Puente, 2017).…”

“…Incensed Catalans mobilised en masse : On 10 July, over a million people took to the streets to protest the decision, full independence becoming an ever‐increasing demand (Guibernau, 2013; Guinjoan & Rodon, 2016). In 2005, support for Catalan independence was a mere 13.6%; by the end of 2013, it had reached a staggering 48.5% (Della Porta & Portos, 2021). A popular consultation 8 in 2014 reflected the changing mood among the Catalan: Close to 80% of voters (with a participation of around 40%) expressed a preference for independence (Jackson, 2014a, 2014b).…”

“…Interestingly, the Basque case explains both the peaceful but disruptive mass tactics of Catalan independentism and the ferocious state's response. Whereas the tactics of the nationalists remained peaceful, its demands were progressively radicalised (Della Porta & Portos, 2021). The ‘right to decide’ turned into the rallying cry for independentist and non‐independentist Catalans (Gamper, 2018; Guibernau, 2013; López, 2017; Mulle & Serrano, 2019).…”

La subjetivación política en la protesta: una aproximación psicopolítica al procés catalán

“…Estos ciclos de protesta producen cambios en la dimensión estructural (Tarrow, 1997;Tilly, 2006) y la subjetiva (Benford & Snow, 2000;Klandermans, 1992;Tarrow, 1997). Pese al largo recorrido histórico del nacionalismo catalán, el movimiento independentista de estos últimos años ha reconfigurado la concepción de la nación catalana ampliándola hacia la inclusión de la clase trabajadora (Della Porta & Portos, 2020), aunque de forma paradójica (Aramburu, 2018), o ligándola con la participación y discurso democráticos (Clúa i Fainé, 2014;Della Porta & Portos, 2020). Es decir, el procés supone una rearticulación del nacionalismo a través del discurso democrático que modifica las dinámicas de interpelación y construcción de la subjetividad política.…”