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Ham, William H.

doi:10.1023/a:1009790421346

Cited by 31 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 22 publications

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“…A glide must have been present in WGmc because that segment-and only that segmenttriggered gemination in words like betti, fenni, and kunni; cf. Ham (1998), Denton (1998), Hall (2004), and sources therein. Given the presence of a glide in WGmc, the development from PGmc [jan] > Gothic [i] was distinct from the superficially similar development in OHG.…”

Section: Total Coalescence In Ohgmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Phonology of Mid Vowels in Germanic Languages

Kostakis

2024

J Ger Ling

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In phonological theory there are multiple ways to represent mid vowels. SPE conventions maintain that they are non-[high] and non-[low]. Conversely, frameworks like Element Theory argue that mid vowels are simultaneously [high] and [low]. This article examines eight processes (and groups of processes) within the Germanic language family, which strongly indicate their specification as simultaneously [high] and [low]. That specification is manifest from developments that tease out the [high] and [low] features of a single mid vowel into separate [high] and [low] elements of sound (e.g., [e] > [ja]). It also falls out from changes in which separate [high] and [low] segments coalesce into a single mid vowel (e.g., [au] > [o]).

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Section: Total Coalescence In Ohgmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Phonology of Mid Vowels in Germanic Languages

Kostakis

2024

J Ger Ling

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Syllable Contact

Seo¹

2011

The Blackwell Companion to Phonology

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Syllable contact is a notion introduced to describe the sonority relation between adjacent segments across a syllable boundary, that is, between heterosyllabic coda and onset segments. According to Hooper (1976), Murray and Vennemann (1983), and Vennemann (1988), among others, there is a cross‐linguistic preference to avoid rising sonority across a syllable boundary; this tendency is formulated as the Syllable Contact Law (SCL). This law states, for example, that al.ta , with falling sonority, is preferred to at.la , with rising sonority. This law has been adduced to account for both diachronic and synchronic sound alternations in coda—onset clusters.

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Bibliography on Optimality Theory and Language Change

Gess¹

2003

Optimality Theory and Language Change

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Untitled

Cited by 31 publications

References 22 publications

The Phonology of Mid Vowels in Germanic Languages

The Phonology of Mid Vowels in Germanic Languages

Syllable Contact

Bibliography on Optimality Theory and Language Change

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