“…There have previously also been discussions about the classification of other PRR parties such as the Finns Party and the AfD (see e.g., Arter, 2010;Arzheimer, 2015). There has never been any doubt that the FrP is the mouthpiece for opposition to immigration (Ivarsflaten, 2008;Jensen & Ivarsflaten, 2019;Jupskås, 2015). Jensen and Ivarsflaten (2019, p. 132) explain:…”
Section: The Norwegian Casementioning
confidence: 99%
“…There have previously also been discussions about the classification of other PRR parties such as the Finns Party and the AfD (see e.g., Arter, 2010; Arzheimer, 2015). There has never been any doubt that the FrP is the mouthpiece for opposition to immigration (Ivarsflaten, 2008; Jensen & Ivarsflaten, 2019; Jupskås, 2015). Jensen and Ivarsflaten (2019, p. 132) explain:The significance of the immigration issue has been important in Norwegian electoral politics since the end of the 1980s, and there is little doubt that it is the Progress Party that has been the central political actor on the immigration‐critical side.…”
With the rise and influence of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Western European democracies, research has focused on explaining the PRR vote. We know less about the reasons why many people would never vote for these parties. Recent research has pointed out that negative partisanship may be particularly prominent in the case of PRR parties. This study contributes to that line of research. It demonstrates that the PRR Progress Party in Norway has the highest share of negative partisanship of all parties in the system. Novel analysis of open‐ended responses reveal that negative partisans react against both the party's policies and rhetorical style. The analysis reveals that negative partisans mirror voters of the PRR only to some extent. Notably, they emphasize disagreements with the party's views on humanity, and with environmental and economic policies. Political style is also a considerable source of negative PRR partisanship and is more important to account for never voting than to account for the support for these parties. The findings underscore that the study of negative partisanship contributes to a fuller account of patterns of PRR electoral performance and particularly its limitations.
“…There have previously also been discussions about the classification of other PRR parties such as the Finns Party and the AfD (see e.g., Arter, 2010;Arzheimer, 2015). There has never been any doubt that the FrP is the mouthpiece for opposition to immigration (Ivarsflaten, 2008;Jensen & Ivarsflaten, 2019;Jupskås, 2015). Jensen and Ivarsflaten (2019, p. 132) explain:…”
Section: The Norwegian Casementioning
confidence: 99%
“…There have previously also been discussions about the classification of other PRR parties such as the Finns Party and the AfD (see e.g., Arter, 2010; Arzheimer, 2015). There has never been any doubt that the FrP is the mouthpiece for opposition to immigration (Ivarsflaten, 2008; Jensen & Ivarsflaten, 2019; Jupskås, 2015). Jensen and Ivarsflaten (2019, p. 132) explain:The significance of the immigration issue has been important in Norwegian electoral politics since the end of the 1980s, and there is little doubt that it is the Progress Party that has been the central political actor on the immigration‐critical side.…”
With the rise and influence of populist radical right (PRR) parties in Western European democracies, research has focused on explaining the PRR vote. We know less about the reasons why many people would never vote for these parties. Recent research has pointed out that negative partisanship may be particularly prominent in the case of PRR parties. This study contributes to that line of research. It demonstrates that the PRR Progress Party in Norway has the highest share of negative partisanship of all parties in the system. Novel analysis of open‐ended responses reveal that negative partisans react against both the party's policies and rhetorical style. The analysis reveals that negative partisans mirror voters of the PRR only to some extent. Notably, they emphasize disagreements with the party's views on humanity, and with environmental and economic policies. Political style is also a considerable source of negative PRR partisanship and is more important to account for never voting than to account for the support for these parties. The findings underscore that the study of negative partisanship contributes to a fuller account of patterns of PRR electoral performance and particularly its limitations.
“…Rightwing populist parties, however, often display charismatic or authoritarian leadership and are usually highly centralized (Heinisch and Mazzoleni, 2016), fitting what has been referred to as the "business-firm model" (Hopkin and Paolucci, 1999). In Norway, the Greens and the Socialist Left party resemble the first type, while the Progress Party is most like the latter (Jupskås, 2013(Jupskås, , 2016Jupskås and Langsaether, forthcoming). We expect that H5: Green and other left-libertarian parties exhibit higher levels of deliberative capacity than right-wing populist parties…”
Section: Research Questions and Hypothesesmentioning
Parties lose members and organizational measures adopted to counter the alleged “crisis of parties” have often turned out to be counterproductive. In response to this development, scholars have argued that parties need to strengthen their deliberative capacity. Despite this (normative) claim, we know very little about levels of deliberation in contemporary parties. Based on unique longitudinal surveys among Norwegian party members between 1991 and 2017, the article analyzes levels of deliberative capacity across time and parties. The study finds a substantial level of deliberative capacity and that this capacity has been strengthened in recent decades. There is some inter-party variation, but it reflects the organizational origin of the parties only to a limited degree. The findings suggest that the deliberative capacity of political parties is far better than often assumed in the literature. Therefore, the study argues that “crisis” is a term unfit to describe recent developments in contemporary parties in Norway, and that membership figures alone are an insufficient indicator to measure the linkage potential of party organizations in democracies.
“…For det andre kan partiforskjellene, i hvert fall delvis, gjenspeile hvordan partiene faktisk fungerer. Fremskrittspartiet har lagt vekt på å bygge en sterk organisasjon (Mjelde, 2013;Jupskås, 2015Jupskås, , 2016, inspirert av arbeiderbevegelsens fortid. Figur 1 og 2 viser at forskjellene mellom Fremskrittspartiet og de andre er saerlig sterke for skolering.…”
Partiorganisasjonene sies å få mindre betydning, ifølge forskere og eksperter-men hva mener medlemmene selv? Denne artikkelen kaster lys over hvordan norske partimedlemmer og landsmøtedelegater selv vurderer organisasjonene sine, ved hjelp av data fra Partimedlems-og landsmøtedelegatundersøkelsen 2009. Det er blitt faerre partimedlemmer, og partienes folkevalgte politikere har styrket sin stilling. Likevel var medlemmer og landsmøtedelegater ganske fornøyd med hvordan organisasjonene fungerte. I strid med forventningene ble utadrettede aktiviteter ikke oppfattet som mer velfungerende enn det interne arbeidet. Landsmøtedelegater var mer tilfreds enn vanlige medlemmer. Partiforskjellene var jevnt over små, med ett unntak: I Fremskrittspartiet var medlemmer og delegater klart mer fornøyd enn i de andre partiene.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
