“…This is why it is always politically and symbolically important when deportable migrants gather under a collective name to struggle against their condition-whether we refer to the protests of "guestworkers" in Germany who had "legal" permits to work but none for residence during the early 1970s (Bojadzijev, 2008), the sans-papiers movement in France and other European countries beginning in the 1990s (Ciss e, 1997; Diop, 1997;cf. Balibar, 1998;Derrida, 1997;), the more recent mobilizations of migrants and refugees across Europe (Amaya-Castro, 2015; Barron et al, 2011;Freedom of Movements Research Collective, 2018;, the political movements of deportees who have asserted themselves in several African countries since 1996 (Lecadet, , 2016(Lecadet, , 2017a(Lecadet, , 2017b, or the mass mobilizations of migrants in the United States in 2006 and the ensuing struggles of so-called DREAMers (Beltra´n, 2015;De Genova, 2009McNevin, 2007;Negr on-Gonzales, 2015;Nyers, 2008;Walters, 2008). Whether migrants mobilize to struggle against the threats of detention and deportation, or against their more general social rejection in the countries where they arrive, or in their countries of origin following their deportations, these movements reveal an array of struggles that involve subjects who have commonly been marginalized or made destitute by state policies and politics, but who nonetheless variously demand the right to stay or the right to move, or to work, or to access health benefits or education for their children, and sometimes even the right to take part in elections-and thereby boldly present themselves in public space as political subjects.…”