5. Chinese: Divergent Destinies in Immigrant New York

Ethnic and sub-ethnic attachments among Chinese, Korean, and Indian immigrants in New York City

“…Chinese immigrants are also linguistically diverse (Yang 1999;Zhou 2001). The earlier Chinese immigrants, most of whom originated from 760 Pyong Gap Min & Young Oak Kim Guangdong, usually spoke Taishanese.…”

Welfare and the Children of Immigrants: Transmission of Dependence or Investment in the Future?

“…In contrast, other children who come from immigrant families with more resources follow a path of upward mobility; either adopting the values of the mainstream middle class or retaining immigrant values and solidarity while achieving economic security. This type of strategy has been documented among the Vietnamese (Zhou and Bankston 1994), the Punjab Indians (Gibson 1988) as well as the Koreans and Chinese (Zhou 2001). Given these ideas, it could be that the outcomes of the children of immigrants might vary across differences in group characteristics.…”

Cultural Diversity in a “Bi-Cultural” City: Factors in the Location of Ancestry Groups in San Antonio

“…Examples of such enclaves include suburban Chinatowns in Houston (Muller 1993,128), Atlanta (Brown and Pannell 2000), and New York (Zhou 2001); Cuban neighborhoods in suburban Miami (Boswell 2000); and varied Eastern European, Latin American, and Asian cultural enclaves in suburban New York/New Jersey (Foner 2001) as well as Los Angeles (Allen and Turner 1996). Restaurants, laundries, groceries, drugstores, barber/beauty salons, import/export companies, jewelry stores, banks, law firms, car dealerships, and real estate agencies may provide the basis for these enclaves (Zhou 2001;Boswell 2000;Orleck 2001;Allen and Turner 1996;Muller 1993,153). However, the existence of a suburban economic enclave is not a necessary condition for suburban residential segregation to occur, as we shall see in the case of San Antonio, below.…”