47. Die Einteilung der deutschen Dialekte

Wiesinger, Peter; Besch, Werner; Knoop, Ulrich; Putschke, Wolfgang; Wiegand, Herbert Ernst

doi:10.1515/9783110203332.807

Cited by 61 publications

(44 citation statements)

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“…The dialect of Kirn an der Nahe belongs to the Franconian dialect area, classified as Westmitteldeutsch according to Wiesinger (1983). In a grammar of this dialect, Kirchberg (1906: 43/ 44) presents the paradigms for strong nouns from the three genders and subclassified according to number as in (17).…”

Section: Dialects Without Plural Trocheesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The grammar and typology of plural noun inflection in varieties of German

Wiese

2009

J Comp German Linguistics

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This paper discusses varieties of German with respect to noun pluralisation, with a focus on the status of final plural schwa as in Fisch-e 'fish, pl.'. By analysing the much-discussed plural morphology of Standard German by means of both prosodic as well as morphological principles, it is argued that final schwa in plural nouns of Standard German is not, as generally assumed, an inflectional suffix. As an alternative, an optimality-theoretic constraint-based analysis of final schwa in plurals leads to the proposal that this segment in noun plurals of Standard German arises as an inserted vowel, which is in turn the result of a specific constraint interaction. In the second part of this paper, related noun plurals are studied in a sample of diverse non-standard dialects of German. Morphological and prosodic constraints, through the well-known mechanism of differences in constraint-ranking in Optimality Theory, derive the (non-)appearance of word-final plural schwas in these dialects which are minimally different from Standard German and from each other. The constraints will include those which refer to properties of whole paradigms of word forms, not just to phonological properties of individual words. As an overall descriptive result, a micro-typology of plural formation in varieties of German emerges, and the prosodic phonology of German is demonstrated to play a crucial role in the formation of word forms.

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Section: Dialects Without Plural Trocheesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The grammar and typology of plural noun inflection in varieties of German

Wiese

2009

J Comp German Linguistics

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“…This work was carried out as part of the project Tonale Dialecten van het Nederlands, which is funded by the Vlaams-Nederlands Comité, a joint research foundation of the Fonds voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek Vlaanderen (FWO) and the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO). 1 The larger dialect group was identified as Central Franconian (Mittelfränkisch) by Wiesinger (1983). Geographically, it roughly matches the former Rheinprovinz, one of the provinces of the Prussian German states from 1815 to 1945, today lists three phonetic parameters involved in its realisation.…”

Section: General Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…One defence here is that the threatened merger was morphological -that of number (singular and plural) as well as case (nominative and dative) -and needs to be put in the wider perspective of the measures that were taken to cope with the threat of those same mergers in other dialects. Wiesinger (1983) mentions suspension of final devoicing, as occurred in High Prussian and Yiddish, which caused plurals to be distinct from singulars in having a [+voice] coda consonant, contrasting with the [Ñvoice] consonant in the coda. While voiced final consonants may also have appeared in words that did not have otherwise identical forms with voiceless consonants in their paradigm, the imminent morphological mergers that would have materialised if final devoicing had gone through must have acted as a force against it.…”

Section: Historical and Typological Aspectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A tonal analysis of Cologne Schärfung

Gussenhoven

Peters

2004

Phonology

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The word prosody of the dialect of Cologne includes a phonological contrast in stressed syllables which at first sight might either reflect a ternary quantity contrast or a binary quantity contrast plus a tone contrast. There are differences in duration as well as F0 between Accent 1 (Schärfung) and Accent 2, along with differences in the intensity profiles of the syllables. It is argued that the contrast is one between an unspecified lexical tone (T) (Accent 2) and no tone (Accent 1), and that the lexical tone assimilates to an intonational tone. We show that a ternary quantity contrast (i) cannot capture the difference between Accent 1 and Accent 2; (ii) would imply an otherwise unattested distributional confinement to the syllable coda of geminate consonants and (iii) would imply unexpected intonation contours in bimoraic syllables. By contrast, a tonal analysis readily accounts for the phonetic and distributional facts.

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“…A distinguishing feature of the Pomeranian verbal system is the existence of two infinitival forms: an infinitive in -a ([əә] or [ɐ]), and one in -en ([əәn] or [ṇ], Wiesinger 1983, karte 47.14, Wrede 1895:295), a property we also encounter in Coastal Germanic languages such as WestFrisian Dutch dialects, Frisian and North Frisian (Hoekstra 1997: 4-5). 1 In Pommeranian embedded clauses without a complementizer, such as under modals, causatives (låta 'let'), daua 'do', verbs of motion (gåa 'go'), and control predicates, the infinitive in -a is used, which we call infinitive-I, or simply "infinitive", as exemplified by the Wenker-sentence 2 16b in (1), taken from location 20, the village of Schloenwitz (Slonowice) in the municipality Schivelbein (see map).…”

Section: European Pomeranianmentioning

confidence: 99%