4 - Oil Minorities and the Politics of Resource Control in Nigeria

Abstract

The paper examines the contentious nature of resource control and distribution in Nigeria. It avers that resource control has been a big problem confronting the Nigerian state from inception. This fact has not been helped by the heterogene ous nature of Nigeria, the weak capacity of the Nigerian state, the politics of resource allocation and the primordial bend of leadership. Therefore, the con testations over resources have been heightened in recent years by the politicisation and ethnicization of the resource allocation process by the Nigerian state and its elites. In this situation, the Niger Delta minority ethnic groups have seen them selves as victims of this politicisation of resource control by the dominant ma jority ethnic groups in control of state power. This allegation of marginalization in resource control is given further impetus by the decline of the derivation principle of revenue allocation, over centralization of the resource allocation process and the general socio-economic plight of the region in spite of being the source of the oil upon which Nigeria's monoeconomy has depended in the last three decades. Therefore, the grievance of the Niger Delta minorities and the general conflict and violence over resource control in Nigeria can only be mean ingfully addressed through a committed restructuring of the fiscal system

Something Mightier: Marginalization, Occult Imaginations and the Youth Conflict in the Oil-Rich Niger Delta

“…In spite of what is acknowledged as the stupendous oil wealth there (UNDP 2006), it is one of the least developed regions in the country. But even beyond the glaring social, economic and infrastructural impoverishment associated with this region (Obi 2008;Okonta 2008;Anugwom 2005Anugwom , 2007Okonta and Doughlas 2001), the citizens perceive a systematic marginalization of the region by the major ethnic groups in control of state power at the centre. 3 Actually, a former state governor from the region has even alleged that the decline in the derivation principle of revenue allocation 4 was a consequence of oil from the region being the main source of 1 The influence of the occult in the Niger Delta conflict is not marginal.…”

Exploring the drivers of ethnic and religious exclusion from public services in Nigeria: implications for sustainable development goal 10

“…It is in search of solutions to these drivers in Nigeria that concepts such as 'federal Character', 'Quota system', 'Zoning Formula', 'Oil-producing' and 'Non-oil producing states' dichotomy', among many others were introduced (Mbalisi, 2018). According to Anugwom, 2006, the contestations over resources have been heightened in recent years by the politicization and ethnicization of the resource allocation process by the Nigerian state and its elites.…”

Religion, Occult and Youth Conflict in the Niger Delta of Nigeria

“…The Niger Delta activists see politics as behind the allocation system which when the wealth of the nation was from the regions of the major ethnic groups favored a derivation principle that ensured that the region producing the larger resources gets the lion share but the principle is now largely reversed. In this reversal derivation became only a tiny component of the allocation principle (see, Anugwom, 2005). Onwuemedo (2000) captures this better by arguing that the demands of the groups and communities in the Niger Delta region are basically for socio-political conditions which would guarantee them improved living conditions, equitable revenue derivation formula and the provision of facilities that would make their lives more meaningful.…”

“…One major manifestation of this fact is the often stated discontent of the people of the region with the revenue allocation or distribution system in Nigeria. The dispute or discomfort then is over what is called the derivation principle of revenue distribution (see Anugwom 2005). The derivation principle as already alluded is the regulatory framework which provides for revenue allocation in proportion to the contribution of each federating unit (state) to the federal revenue.…”

“…As a matter of fact, the UNDP (2006) sees the region as representing a development paradox in Nigeria since the level of socio-economic development in the area is grossly inconsistent with the massive oil wealth in it. But even beyond the glaring social, economic and infrastructural impoverishment associated with this region (see, Obi, 2008;Okonta, 2008;Anugwom, 2005;Okonta and Doughlas, 2001), the citizens of the region perceive a systematic marginalization of the region by the major ethnic groups in control of state power at the centre in Nigeria 5 .…”