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Cited by 10 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…Administrative privileges were a point of particular contention in the accreditation actions (Enright et al, 1990; Enright et al, 1993; Litwin, Boswell, & Kraft, 1991; Zaro et al, 1982), with it being noted that as few as 3% of psychologists had administrative privileges (Dörken & Webb, 1979). This debate continued into the contemporary literature, with at least some ambiguity in the field with respect to the proportion of psychologists interested in taking administrative roles (Lechner & Stucky, 2000). These conflicts notwithstanding, very positive collaborations with psychiatry were also highlighted (Enright, 1985; Layman, 1943), usually framed as being the result of clearly articulated roles, mutual education and respect (Bush, 2005; Gunzburg, 1956; Rapaport, 1944; Stevens, 1944), and as a necessity for psychologists to develop autonomy within hospitals (Lechner & Stucky, 2000; Tovian et al, 2003).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Administrative privileges were a point of particular contention in the accreditation actions (Enright et al, 1990; Enright et al, 1993; Litwin, Boswell, & Kraft, 1991; Zaro et al, 1982), with it being noted that as few as 3% of psychologists had administrative privileges (Dörken & Webb, 1979). This debate continued into the contemporary literature, with at least some ambiguity in the field with respect to the proportion of psychologists interested in taking administrative roles (Lechner & Stucky, 2000). These conflicts notwithstanding, very positive collaborations with psychiatry were also highlighted (Enright, 1985; Layman, 1943), usually framed as being the result of clearly articulated roles, mutual education and respect (Bush, 2005; Gunzburg, 1956; Rapaport, 1944; Stevens, 1944), and as a necessity for psychologists to develop autonomy within hospitals (Lechner & Stucky, 2000; Tovian et al, 2003).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While early examples of autonomous department models exist with implications of control over practice parameters and budgets (e.g., Seidenfeld, 1944a), coverage of this topic emerged more strongly in the 1980s and 90s. These papers discussed the benefits of psychology departments that are parallel to other hospital departments in optimizing practice leadership, avoiding the risk of relying on a psychology-friendly psychiatry executives when embedded in another department (Dörken, 1993; Drotar, 2015; Lechner & Stucky, 2000; Rozensky, 2004; Touyz et al, 1992). “Psychology must be freestanding if it is to flourish in academic health centers—Psychology in health science centers has evolved into a phase of development that demands our clear differentiation from other disciplines” (Rozensky, 2004, p. 127).…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The low portion of hospitals that reported voting membership for psychologists is concerning, given that a similar issue in the United States has been argued to have had “an adverse impact on the continuity of patient care… and implies that psychologists are less qualified than their psychiatric counterparts” (Litwin, Boswell, & Kraft, 1991, p. 322). Specifically, perceptions of inequity arise from the fact that American psychologists are often designated as allied staff and are rarely granted the same voting privileges as the hospital medical staff (Lechner & Stucky, 2000). In Canada, psychologists are similarly considered allied health professionals (Health Canada, 2011), and allied health providers and professionals in Canada are “frequently overlooked in the health care system” (Romanow, 2002, p. 103).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%