2. THE LOW VOWELS IN California's CENTRAL VALLEY

D’Onofrio, Annette; Eckert, Penelope; Podesva, Robert J.; Pratt, Teresa; Hofwegen, Janneke Van

doi:10.1215/00031283-3772879

Cited by 36 publications

(25 citation statements)

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“… incrementation of the nasal system, increasing the distance between short‐a before nasals ( Ban ) and elsewhere ( Bat ) (Eckert ); a chain shift involving the low back merger of Bot and Bought , backing of /æ/ ( Bat ) and lowering and backing of /e/ ( Bet ) (D'Onofrio ; D'Onofrio et al. in press); the parallel fronting of /ow/ after coronals ( Toe ) and non‐coronals ( Boat ) and of /uw/ after coronals ( Too ) and non‐coronals ( Boot ) (Eckert ; Podesva et al. ). …”

Section: Fields Of Evidence For Social Meaningmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The merged low back vowel in California is in the process of backing and raising as part of the California Shift (D'Onofrio et al. in press), commonly replaced by /æ/ as the lowest vowel in the system. Backed variants of this vowel emerge frequently in negative expressive uses of particular lexical items and perhaps particularly exclamatives (e.g.…”

Section: Fields Of Evidence For Social Meaningmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Phonetics, phonology and social meaning

Eckert

Labov

2017

Journal of Sociolinguistics

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Linguistic variation has consistently been found to have social meaning in its association with the status and stance of speakers in the context of interaction. This indexical function of variation can contribute to the advancement of ongoing linguistic change. Style shifting in individual sociolinguistic interviews is an indirect indication of social meaning, but the clearest demonstrations are found in studies of speakers in a range of social contexts. We explore and clarify the nature of social meaning in variation, and its relation to linguistic change. Phonological variables are most readily adapted to convey social meaning by their frequency, flexibility and freedom from referential functions. After providing several kinds of evidence of social meaning in phonological variation, we argue that meaning accrues specifically to concrete soundsto phonetic elements and not to the phonological structures in which those sounds participate. Mergers, near mergers, splits, chain shifts and parallel shifts are not generally objects of social perception, conscious or unconscious, and are motivated by more abstract principles of change. FOREWORDThe authors of this article approach the study of social meaning from a joint background in the approach to linguistic variation as 'orderly heterogeneity,' reflecting the influence of Uriel Weinreich at Columbia University in the 1960s. We both spent our youth immersed in the sociolinguistic currents of New Jersey's Bergen County, where we learned early that the exponents of social class were realized as distance from local phonology, and where we experienced similar day-to-day interaction with socially distinctive and classrelated character types. In the years that followed, Labov has studied the larger structure of variation with a focus on linguistic change, as evidenced by studies of random samples, neighborhoods, and small group interaction. Eckert's focus, based on long-term ethnographic studies, has been on meaning as evidenced in the use of a wide range of variables in the stylistic construction of socially located personae. The variables we consider in this paper are those that coincide in our workvariables that have been found to show both clear macro-social patterns and stylistic sensitivity to interpersonal context, particularly sound changes in progress. And while the authors continue to debate issues of awareness and agency in this process, our differences are independent of the observations that follow.

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Section: Fields Of Evidence For Social Meaningmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Fields Of Evidence For Social Meaningmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonetics, phonology and social meaning

Eckert

Labov

2017

Journal of Sociolinguistics

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“…Tokens spanned from at least 1800 Hz to at least 1400 Hz in F2. In a sample of speakers from California's Central Valley, where the CVS has been shown to be in progress, women between ages eighteen and thirty-five show a mean trap F2 value of 1680 Hz, as compared to women over sixty-five who show a mean trap F2 value of 1800 Hz (measurements calculated on dataset from D'Onofrio et al 2016). For these same sets of speakers, the younger women show a mean lot F2 value of 1280 Hz, while the older women show a mean lot F2 of 1300 Hz.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Trap -backing has been documented in work on the California Vowel Shift (CVS) since at least the 1980s (Hinton et al 1987). Within the state, the CVS, including the backing of trap , has been found to be most advanced in the urban coastal centers of San Francisco (Eckert 2008b) and Los Angeles (Kennedy & Grama 2012), though occurring to a robust degree throughout the less-urban, inland areas of the state as well (Podesva, D'Onofrio, Van Hofwegen, & Kim 2015; D'Onofrio, Eckert, Podesva, Pratt, & Van Hofwegen 2016). Work in the Western dialect region (Labov et al 2006) more broadly has illustrated that trap -backing is prevalent not only in California, but also in other Western states like Oregon (Becker, Aden, Best, & Jacobson 2016) and Washington (Wassink 2015) as well.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Personae and phonetic detail in sociolinguistic signs

D’Onofrio

2018

Lang. Soc.

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Social meaning-based approaches to linguistic variation treat variation as a semiotic system, in which sociolinguistic signs—indexical links between linguistic forms and social meanings—serve as interactional resources that individuals use to project personae. This article explores the perceptual nature of the links between social personae and linguistic forms, examining how information about a speaker's persona can influence a listener's linguistic perceptions of a continuous phonetic feature. Using a phoneme categorization task, this study examines associations between gradient phonetic manifestations on a continuum from /æ/ to /ɑ/ and three social personae. Findings illustrate that the social persona made relevant for a listener influences the ways in which points on this phonetic continuum are categorized phonemically as eithertraporlot. Overall, this shows that the social constructs of personae influence phonetically detailed perceptions of linguistic material. (Sociolinguistic perception, personae, indexicality, sociophonetics, sociolinguistic signs)*

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“…More recent research has documented the LBMS in inland, rural areas. Though the shift is less advanced, young people and women lead, indicating change in progress (Podesva et al 2015;D'Onofrio et al 2016;D'Onofrio, Pratt, and Van Hofwegen 2019). In addition, research into perceptions of aspects of the LBMS, specifically bat backing, have demonstrated the feature's indexicality at various levels, including region (California, for both listeners within and outside the state), personae (the stereotyped "Valley Girl" as well as a "Business Professional" persona), and attributes like confidence and prestige (D'Onofrio 2015; Villareal 2018; Villareal and Kohn, forthcoming).…”

Section: The Beginning Of the Story : The C Alifornia And C Anadian Vmentioning

confidence: 99%

1. Introduction

2019

The Publication of the American Dialect Society

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2. THE LOW VOWELS IN California's CENTRAL VALLEY

Cited by 36 publications

References 15 publications

Phonetics, phonology and social meaning

Phonetics, phonology and social meaning

Personae and phonetic detail in sociolinguistic signs

1. Introduction

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