O Brasil e a Argentina entre a cordialidade oficial e o projeto de integração: a política externa do governo de Ernesto Geisel (1974-1979)

Spektor, Matias

doi:10.1590/s0034-73292002000100005

Cited by 15 publications

(19 citation statements)

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“…These had been characterised by tolerance of the high profile of the Argentine diplomacy, a consistent search for areas of cooperation to dilute potential frictions, the inclusion of Argentina in Brazilian international initiatives, and the promotion of good relations between Buenos Aires and Washington (Spektor 2002). Now, the growing economic and political preponderance of Brazil in the region, the redefinition of the bilateral links of Argentina and Brazil with the United States, and the quarrel over the uses of water resources were of the utmost importance for the abandonment of traditional stances.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Ideological affinity had not prevented the conflict over the water resources from escalating under the administrations of Castello Branco, Costa e Silva and Medici in Brazil, and Ongania and Lanusse in Argentina. The initial moves of the Videla administration were informed by the traditional ambivalence, and the Brazilian chancellor Azeredo da Silveira was very sceptical about the intentions and the methods of Ambassador Camilión (Spektor 2002).…”

Section: The Tripartite Agreement Of 1979mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It seems more than mere coincidence that, when relations were the most tense, in July 1977, the military activated parallel channels of dialogue (Moniz Bandeira 2003;Spektor 2002). Eventually, soon after a high level meeting in Foz de Iguaçu between the chief of Brazilian air forces, Jardim de Matos, and a member of the Argentine military junta, Orlando Agosti, chancellor Azeredo da Silveira decided to re-launch negotiations.…”

Section: The Tripartite Agreement Of 1979mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…But the true causes of tensions lay in the unbalanced distribution of power between the two countries, and the question of Itaipú, although important issue in itself, had been aggravated by its being an indicator of the state of a broader and traditional competition for dominance in the region. Furthermore, if the question of the dams was the only remarkable problem, and if it was clearly in the interest of both parties to solve it, then the long delay in finding a solution has to be considered as a failure of negotiations (Spektor 2002) and not as a success. Certainly, there was caution at the time.…”

Section: The Tripartite Agreement Of 1979mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Making Sense of Rapprochement Between Argentina and Brazil, 1979-1982

Gardini

2006

ERLACS

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A second misperception about Argentine-Brazilian relations concerns the supposed turn to improved relations following the settlement of the Itaipú dam conflict in 1979. In this respect, discussion hinges on one main general question: whether or not one single event, no matter how salient, can reverse the political, economic, legal and cultural legacy of many decades. The 1979 Tripartite Agreement that solved the quarrel over the use of water resources between Argentina and Brazil can certainly be regarded as the starting point of a new course of relations between the two countries. But it cannot, on its own, be regarded as decisive, unless one accepts that the dispute over the dam of Itaipú was the one and only significant reason for friction between Argentina and Brazil, so that, once this was eliminated, no further obstacle remained for the development of friendly and cooperative relations. If, on the contrary, one takes the view that the reasons for friction were many and complex, then it may be more appropriate to say that the agreement on the use of the river Paraná, rather than prompting a new course in Argentine-Brazilian relations, was the first manifestation of it, and that a 'long turn approach' has to be preferred to a 'turning point vision'.The argument proceeds in three sections. The first outlines the diplomatic steps that led to the signature of the Tripartite Agreement. In particular, it asks whether deeper reasons (other than the desire to solve the quarrel over the water resources) at the national, regional, and international level, contributed to the ArgentineBrazilian rapprochement. The second describes the significance of the presidential

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Tripartite Agreement Of 1979mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Tripartite Agreement Of 1979mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Tripartite Agreement Of 1979mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Making Sense of Rapprochement Between Argentina and Brazil, 1979-1982

Gardini

2006

ERLACS

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“…A cordialidade entre Brasil e Argentina não seria capaz, contudo, de gerar medidas práticas para solucionar problemas comuns. O apoio de Frondizi à iniciativa foi inclusive criticado por políticos da oposição, que o identificavam como submissão aos interesses brasileiros (Saraiva, 2012;Spektor, 2002).…”

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A preeminência na América do Sul como fundamento da política externa brasileira entre 1945 e 1964.

Saboya

2016

Geopolítica

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Resumo. A política externa brasileira entre o fim do Estado Novo e o Golpe de 1964 é caracterizada, em grande medida, pelo desenvolvimentismo e a busca pela industrialização do país. Analistas desse processo geralmente focam-se no aspecto econômico e nos interesses das elites civis, enquanto a busca por poder e preeminência é pouco ressaltada. Desse modo, um dos principais objetivos dos Estados na arena internacional é ignorado. O desenvolvimento econômico e industrial não deve ser considerado um fim em si mesmo, visto que o progresso material serve a determinado objetivo, que, para o Estado, é o aumento do poder. Este artigo busca retomar a geopolítica como um dos fundamentos para a política externa e para o desenvolvimento brasileiros no século XX, levando-se em conta a teoria pioneira de Mario Travassos, voltada para a preeminência na América do Sul, e a história da política externa brasileira ao longo da República Nova (1945)(1946)(1947)(1948)(1949)(1950)(1951)(1952)(1953)(1954)(1955)(1956)(1957)(1958)(1959)(1960)(1961)(1962)(1963)(1964). Palavras-chave: política externa brasileira; geopolítica; República Nova; Mario Travassos; América do Sul.[en] The Primacy in South America as basis for Brazilian Foreign Policy between [1945][1946][1947][1948][1949][1950][1951][1952][1953][1954][1955][1956][1957][1958][1959][1960][1961][1962][1963][1964] Abstract. The Brazilian foreign policy between the end of the Estado Novo and the 1964 Coup d'état is characterized, to a large extent, by developmentalism and by the pursuit of industrialization. Analysts of this process usually focus on the economic aspect and on the civil elites' interests, while the search for power and primacy is often downplayed. Thus, one of the main objectives of the State in the international stage is overlooked. The economic and industrial development should not be considered an end in itself, since material progress is useful to reach a specified goal, that, to the State, is the increase in power. This article seeks to re-examine geopolitics as a fundamental tenet of Brazil's foreign policy and economic development in the 20th century, taking into account the pioneer theory of Mario Travassos, dedicated on South American primacy, and the history of Brazilian foreign policy during the Fourth Republic (1945Republic ( -1964.

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When the Tropic Met the Pole

Cardone

2021

The Antarctic Politics of Brazil

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O Brasil e a Argentina entre a cordialidade oficial e o projeto de integração: a política externa do governo de Ernesto Geisel (1974-1979)

Cited by 15 publications

References 3 publications

Making Sense of Rapprochement Between Argentina and Brazil, 1979-1982

Making Sense of Rapprochement Between Argentina and Brazil, 1979-1982

A preeminência na América do Sul como fundamento da política externa brasileira entre 1945 e 1964.

When the Tropic Met the Pole

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