O Twitter como ferramenta de campanha negativa não oficial: uma análise da campanha eleitoral para a Prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro em 2016

Joathan, Ícaro; Alves, Marcelo

doi:10.1590/1982-25532020141565

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 21 publications

(14 reference statements)

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“…To avoid these potential risks, political actors begin to rely on the actions of anonymous groups or individuals not linked to official political coalitions (Joathan;Alves, 2020). This gives rise to the concept of unofficial negative campaigning, in which political cyber-violence plays a fundamental role (Villar-Aguilés; Pecourt-Gracia, 2020) and its development thanks to the trolling subculture of "cyber-ghettos" (Johnson; Bichard; Zhang, 2009) and pseudo-media that disseminate "poor quality" information (Cervera, 2018, p. 9).…”

Section: Negative Disinformation Campaigns: From the Unofficial To Th...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Crude, anonymous, partisan, sectoral and anti-elitist. Electoral disinformation in Spain (2019-2022)

Lava-Santos,

José,

Llorca-Abad

2023

EPI

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The aim of this research is to analyse the electoral misinformation circulating in the public space as a whole during campaign periods. The sample is made up of 481 rebuttals published by the verification media Maldita.es, Newtral, Efe Verifica and Verificat in relation to 409 pieces of misinformation during the six campaigns carried out in Spain during the political cycle that began in the general election in November 2019, which also includes the regional elections held in Galicia, the Basque Country, Catalonia, Madrid, Castilla y León, and Andalusia. The methodology consists of a content analysis of 13 variables articulated around five dimensions of study: scope of generation and/or dissemination, format, epistemological authority, prominence, theme, and discourse. The results show: (1) the predominance of the citizen space of social networks as a field for the generation and distribution of electoral misinformation; (2) the crude construction of misinformation, with a preponderance of text as a misinformation element accompanied by multimedia resources shared without alteration; (3) the pre-eminence of problematic materials disseminated anonymously and without citing sources and those actually distributed by the political class, especially the right wing; (4) the majority role of the political class, particularly the left, generally characterised in a negative manner, although the political class of the right receives a greater proportion of positive treatment; (5) the abundance of sectoral and ideological themes, with a prominent presence of attacking elites as the predominant populist discursive feature; and (6) the profusion of direct attacks on political rivals, especially related to ideological and management issues.

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Section: Negative Disinformation Campaigns: From the Unofficial To Th...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Crude, anonymous, partisan, sectoral and anti-elitist. Electoral disinformation in Spain (2019-2022)

Lava-Santos,

José,

Llorca-Abad

2023

EPI

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“…Several studies show that traditional media continue to play an important role in the media ecosystem, including disseminating messages from leaders and organizations that communicate essentially via social media (Mitozo;Costa;Rodrigues, 2020;Newman et al, 2019;Stier;Schünemann;Steiger, 2018), so that the role of alternative mediators may be restricted to certain social circles. Thus, rather than considering the digital environment as a horizontal source, we should understand the specificities of the new types of verticalities that emerge from inequalities within digital dynamics (Gerbaudo, 2020;Joathan, Alves, 2020).…”

Section: Mediation and Information Sourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Network Information Pro and Contra Bolsonaro's Discourse on Coronavirus

Santos

2023

jdsr

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This article analyzes the information sources of a corpus made of 135,000 tweets with the hashtags #Bolsonarotemrazão and #OBrasilprecisapararBolsonaro. By analyzing and categorizing the hyperlinks in these messages, the study investigates the information sources used in the construction of opposing discourses about the coronavirus, identifying the types of sources mobilized in both positions. The results indicate that while pro-Bolsonaro discourses prevail in alternative media, those containing hashtags opposing him come from diverse sources, especially traditional media. Drawing on the notion of mediation, the article argues for understanding information sources as an essential part of how the Twitter discussion about the coronavirus pandemic mediated this event for the two different hashtag publics.

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“…Depois da vitória de Donald Trump nos Estados Unidos, em 2016, há evidências substanciais, amplamente divulgadas pelos meios de comunicação em todo o mundo, de que as plataformas das redes sociais estão tomadas por robôs (bots), exércitos de trolls [1], perfis falsos, entre outros personagens maliciosos financiados para se manifestar de forma coordenada (BASTOS; MERCEA, 2019;JOATHAN;ALVES, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

A militância forjada dos bots: A campanha municipal de 2016 como laboratório eleitoral

Santini

Salles

Tucci

et al. 2021

Lumina

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Os “bots políticos” são perfis automatizados programados para atuar nas redes sociais com o objetivo de influenciar as discussões políticas, endossar ou difamar um candidato, disseminar propaganda de campanha, criar ruído no debate público e interferir na formação da opinião dos usuários. Este artigo investiga como essas contas afetaram a conversação política no Twitter durante o primeiro turno das eleições municipais de 2016 no Rio de Janeiro, contribuindo para a discussão de como os bots podem colocar em risco a comunicação on-line e afetar a campanha e os resultados eleitorais (HOWARD; WOOLLEY; CALO, 2018). A partir da abordagem da teoria fundamentada, utilizamos a netnografia observacional aliada à análise de discurso para estudar o comportamento de um conjunto de bots no Twitter durante o primeiro turno das eleições municipais no Rio de Janeiro. Detectamos 3.101 bots, responsáveis por 19.915 tuítes, e classificamos nossa amostra em três categorias de bots com base no conteúdo dos tuítes: bots gerados por usuário, spambots de mídia e bots políticos. Estes últimos foram divididos em duas subcategorias, em função do tipo de discurso que difundiram na rede: “ativistas” e “agentes provocadores”. Os resultados da pesquisa demonstram que os bots políticos representam um problema social crítico por ocuparem um vácuo de opiniões políticas oferecendo posições partidárias para aqueles que não as possuem. Concluímos que estas contas automatizadas prepararam o terreno para a vitória de Jair Bolsonaro nas eleições presidenciais de 2018, apoiando o então deputado e fortalecendo sua presença nas redes.

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O Twitter como ferramenta de campanha negativa não oficial: uma análise da campanha eleitoral para a Prefeitura do Rio de Janeiro em 2016

Cited by 6 publications

References 21 publications

Crude, anonymous, partisan, sectoral and anti-elitist. Electoral disinformation in Spain (2019-2022)

Crude, anonymous, partisan, sectoral and anti-elitist. Electoral disinformation in Spain (2019-2022)

Network Information Pro and Contra Bolsonaro's Discourse on Coronavirus

A militância forjada dos bots: A campanha municipal de 2016 como laboratório eleitoral

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