Mundos de roças e florestas

Oliveira, Joana Cabral de

doi:10.1590/1981.81222016000100007

Cited by 35 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…Finally, according to the perception of many indigenous peoples in the Amazon, the regeneration of forests also seems to assume a mythical and spiritual dimension. Some concepts refer to domains that are claimed by human and non-human beings (Rodgers, 2002;Fausto, 2008;Oliveira, 2016). In this case, forests are understood as a large plantation of creative spirits (Descola, 1996), as the peoples of the XIT.…”

Section: Traditional Kawaiwete and Ikpeng Forest Management Practicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indigenous Knowledge and Forest Succession Management in the Brazilian Amazon: Contributions to Reforestation of Degraded Areas

Schmidt

Ikpeng²,

Kayabi³

et al. 2021

Front. For. Glob. Change

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The indigenous systems of agricultural and forest management in the Amazon are characterized by a deep knowledge of ecological processes, biodiversity, and the use and management of fire. The influence of these systems on the distribution of biodiversity includes semi-domesticated and domesticated species and landscapes, which have led to extensive anthropogenic or cultural forests. However, in many places, the livelihoods of indigenous peoples are being transformed by the intensification of agriculture and social, ecological, and economic changes, putting at risk the sustainability of production systems and food security and sovereignty of these peoples. In the last years, in the Xingu Indigenous Territory (XIT), the food production systems and the form of occupation of territories have changed, affecting the recovery of secondary forests, which now demand a too long period. The increase in the number and frequency of fires has aggravated this situation, due to a drier climate that has become predominant in the region. Changes in climate are attributed to deforestation in the neighboring municipalities, especially in the headwaters of the Xingu river basin. This study was conducted among the Kawaiwete (Tupi-Guarani) and the Ikpeng (Carib-Arara) peoples in the XIT, in the state of Mato Grosso, Brazil. The main objective was to develop alternative techniques of forest management based on indigenous and scientific knowledge more adapted to the new livelihood contexts, aiming to favor forest regeneration in areas dominated by shifting cultivation. We sought to answer the following questions: (I) How do forests regenerate during the fallow period? (II) How can local management improve forest regeneration? (III) Are there indicator species for secondary succession, soil recovery, and vulnerability to fires? (IV) Is the increase in the number of fires affecting the sustainability of the shifting cultivation systems? Our results show that some local practices based on indigenous knowledge have the potential to facilitate natural regeneration, such as choosing forest areas that have been recovered for agricultural use, limiting the number of cultivation cycles, protecting and selecting of individual trees during cultivation period, and attracting seed dispersers. Assisted natural regeneration strategies grounded on indigenous knowledge are promising ways to restore degraded lands of the XIT.

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Section: Traditional Kawaiwete and Ikpeng Forest Management Practicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indigenous Knowledge and Forest Succession Management in the Brazilian Amazon: Contributions to Reforestation of Degraded Areas

Schmidt

Ikpeng²,

Kayabi³

et al. 2021

Front. For. Glob. Change

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“…Many, if not most, Neotropical ontologies recognize that non-humans have agency [35][36][37]. In Neotropical ontologies, however, non-human agency is more than mere adaptation to culturally constructed niches; non-humans are active subjects of landscape transformations [38,39], and humans must negotiate with them for these entanglements to satisfy all members of the niche [37]. These observations are not considered in the standard narrative.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Disentangling Domestication from Food Production Systems in the Neotropics

et al. 2021

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The Neolithic Revolution narrative associates early-mid Holocene domestications with the development of agriculture that fueled the rise of late Holocene civilizations. This narrative continues to be influential, even though it has been deconstructed by archaeologists and geneticists in its homeland. To further disentangle domestication from reliance on food production systems, such as agriculture, we revisit definitions of domestication and food production systems, review the late Pleistocene–early Holocene archaeobotanical record, and quantify the use, management and domestication of Neotropical plants to provide insights about the past. Neotropical plant domestication relies on common human behaviors (selection, accumulation and caring) within agroecological systems that focus on individual plants, rather than populations—as is typical of agriculture. The early archaeobotanical record includes numerous perennial and annual species, many of which later became domesticated. Some of this evidence identifies dispersal with probable cultivation, suggesting incipient domestication by 10,000 years ago. Since the Pleistocene, more than 6500, 1206 and 6261 native plant species have been used in Mesoamerica, the Central Andes and lowland South America, respectively. At least 1555, 428 and 742 are managed outside and inside food production systems, and at least 1148, 428 and 600 are cultivated, respectively, suggesting at least incipient domestication. Full native domesticates are more numerous in Mesoamerica (251) than the Andes (124) and the lowlands (45). This synthesis reveals that domestication is more common in the Neotropics than previously recognized and started much earlier than reliance on food production systems. Hundreds of ethnic groups had, and some still have, alternative strategies that do involve domestication, although they do not rely principally on food production systems, such as agriculture.

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“…Trataremos os dois juntos nessa seção, o que ajuda a evidenciar as diferenças e proximidades semânticas das terminologias, porém elas serão consideradas separadamente. Os dados sobre o parentesco Kurripako devem-se a Journet (1988Journet ( , 1993 e os dos Baníwa a Oliveira (1975 (Journet 1993: 47). 169 As for possuídas desse termos e os três seguintes (niiwi, niiwiu, nueeri, nueerru) são usadas no vocativo para genros, seguindo a mesma distribuição de sexo de Ego e Alter -eeri ♀BS, ♀FBSS, ♀MZSS, ♀FZDS, ♀MBDS -eerru ♀BD, ♀FBSD, ♀MZSD, ♀FZDD, ♀MBDD, ♀SW -tsimarre DH, ♂BDH G -2 -dakeri ChS -dakedua ChD n'dake (voc) ChCh…”

Section: Kurripako-baníwaunclassified

As parentológicas Arawá e Arawak: um estudo sobre parentesco e aliança

Florido¹

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O tema das migrações enquanto fenômeno fundamental da mobilidade humana tem sido objeto de sucessivas investidas teóricas, tentando dar-se um sentido geral e amplo aos movimentos. A ideia de uma teoria geral das migrações sempre correu junto a esses investimentos. Num rápido retrospecto, relativo ao esforço que teve impacto na antropologia, vemos que, ao final do século XIX, os difusionistas atribuíam à própria mobilidade o motor da história humana: nada se inventava, tudo se copiava por meio dos movimentos populacionais (Hugill 1996; Kuklick 1996; Blaut 1993) 1. Mas a potência da mobilidade foi logo domada intelectualmente pela imobilidade: as pessoas se movem, mas lentamente se aculturam, integram, deixam de ser diferentes. Seguiu-se uma onda de estudos de aculturação que tomavam como pressuposto que a mobilidade produziria, com o tempo, uma relativa imobilidade. Os estudos de área (como os de Kroeber, Herzkowits, etc.) levaram aos conceitos concêntricos de eliminação da diferença: aculturação e assimilação (Mintz 1998). O tempo, portanto, é o fato de domesticação da diferença gerada pelo movimento. Logo a seguir, entretanto, cientistas sociais perceberam que, afinal, o tempo não produzia necessariamente a assimilação: surge a etnicidade como mecanismo teórico para explicar como a mobilidade continua gerando diferença (Hutchinson; Smith 1996). Mas algo precisava ficar imóvel e, nesse caso, a imobilidade se atém à fronteira entre os grupos étnicos: esta precisa estar sempre colocada e operante como um limite de imobilidade, como uma referência estática para os processos de produção de diferença. Desde os trabalhos de Thomas e Znaniecki (1974 [1918]), e ,depois, dos de Barth 2 , vemos que tem sido necessário pensar a mobilidade a partir de algo imóvel-as fronteiras e, de certa forma, as próprias teorias. Assim, mesmo que não se possa mais falar em assimilação, pode-se tranquilizar o pensamento contra as diferenças produzidas pela mobilidade: a fronteira étnica é o tempo imóvel da etnicidade. Campos 15(1):27-42, 2014

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Mundos de roças e florestas

Cited by 35 publications

References 7 publications

Indigenous Knowledge and Forest Succession Management in the Brazilian Amazon: Contributions to Reforestation of Degraded Areas

Indigenous Knowledge and Forest Succession Management in the Brazilian Amazon: Contributions to Reforestation of Degraded Areas

Disentangling Domestication from Food Production Systems in the Neotropics

As parentológicas Arawá e Arawak: um estudo sobre parentesco e aliança

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