10. A Workers’ Social Movement on the Margin of the Global Neoliberal Order, Egypt 2004–2012

Beinin, Joël; Duboc, Marie

doi:10.1515/9780804788038-013

Cited by 6 publications

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“…Often forgotten because of the events of September 11 th , 2001, the previous day a demonstration was held in Cairo's Tahrir Square against the government's de facto support for Concurrently, independent workers' movements were becoming more assertive: 3,300 protests were registered over 1998(Beinin 2011Beinin and Duboc 2013), and there was a massive rise in workers' organisation and mobilization (Beinin and Duboc 2013;Alexander and Bassiouny 2014). 19 In 2008, massive, week-long strikes that took place in al-Mahalla al-Kubra in the course of which, alongside employers, President Mubarak…”

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confidence: 99%

Prelude to the revolution. Independent civic activists in Mubarak’s Egypt and the quest for hegemony

Gervasio

Teti

2020

The Journal of North African Studies

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This article explores whether, in the decade preceding the 2011 uprising, Egypt's Independent Civic Activists (ICAs) can be considered organic intellectuals in terms of Gramsci's wellknown definition. To do so, three aspects of 'organicity' with respect to subaltern groups are identified: a 'demographic' dimension, namely their embeddedness within subaltern groups; an 'ideological' dimension pertaining to their ability to correctly identify the problems affecting subaltern classes; and a 'cognitive' dimension, i.e., whether ICAs had managed to gain at least partial recognition from subaltern groups as providing political leadership. During the pre-2011 period, ICAs can be shown to be partlybut not fully -'organic' intellectuals with respect to Egypt's subaltern groups. Examining ICAs' evolving mobilisation, it is also possible to both discern the embryonic emergence of a counter-hegemonic project well before 2011, and by contrast the substantial continuity between the regime and the Ikhwan. Finally, the article notes that the Egyptian regime under Husni Mubarak appeared unable or unwilling to address the root causes of dissatisfaction through anything other than palliative measures, leaving it not so much stable as fierce and brittle, vulnerable in precisely the same ways ICAs capitalised on in the run-up to the 'January 25 th Revolution'.

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confidence: 99%

Prelude to the revolution. Independent civic activists in Mubarak’s Egypt and the quest for hegemony

Gervasio

Teti

2020

The Journal of North African Studies

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“…Many workers were initially organized in more spontaneous oppositional mobilization. As argued by Beinin (2011: 183), even workers’ protests in Egypt between 2006 and 2009 did not rely on ‘movement entrepreneurs’ or pre-existing organizations. With the exception of the support from several labor-oriented NGOs, workers’ protests in Egypt mainly relied on occasional face-to-face meetings and mobile telephones, supported by family and neighborhood connections (Beinin, 2011: 183).…”

Section: Variety Of Groups and The 2011 Protests In Egyptmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As argued by Beinin (2011: 183), even workers’ protests in Egypt between 2006 and 2009 did not rely on ‘movement entrepreneurs’ or pre-existing organizations. With the exception of the support from several labor-oriented NGOs, workers’ protests in Egypt mainly relied on occasional face-to-face meetings and mobile telephones, supported by family and neighborhood connections (Beinin, 2011: 183). The working class networks were thus highly localized, whereby family and neighborhood connections were of utmost importance in the daily life and in the construction of workers’ neighborhoods.…”

Section: Variety Of Groups and The 2011 Protests In Egyptmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Kifaya paid careful attention to the extent of mobilization, never exceeding a thousand people, and its location, mobilizing in downtown Cairo rather than in densely populated areas where too many people could gather. This enabled the network to repeatedly denounce domestic issues related, for instance, to President Hosni Mubarak’s repressive regime and his attempts to enact hereditary succession (Beinin, 2011: 185; Duboc, 2011: 61; Vairel, 2011: 32).…”

Section: Organizations Under Mubarak’s Regimementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Kifaya (Enough! ), a network striving for reforms and change including organizations such as Journalists for Change, Doctors for Change, Youth for Change, Workers for Change, and Artists for Change, developed from informal networks among dissenters, and the April 6 th Youth Movement (A6YM) had been active both prior to and during the Arab Spring (Beinin, 2011). Public gatherings organized from December 2004 to September 2005 in Egypt by Kifaya were in fact possible thanks to Kifaya activists' strategy to self-limit their mobilization.…”

Section: Organizations Under Mubarak's Regimementioning

confidence: 99%

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Variety of groups and protests in repressive contexts: The 2011 Egyptian uprisings and their aftermath

Acconcia

Pilati

2020

International Sociology

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This article examines the role of various social groups in shaping protests in repressive contexts. The empirical study focuses on the Egyptian uprisings that started in January 2011. The authors use data collected through semi-structured interviews undertaken between 2011 and 2015 with 58 individuals who had all participated in such protests and who were members of various types of organizations. The results show that, in contrast to the arguments highlighting the spontaneous, internet-based nature of the protests that occurred in 2011 in the MENA region, individuals’ membership in organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood, and in more informal groups such as Popular Committees or independent trade unions have been crucial for their engagement in protests. The findings also highlight the flexible and dynamic form of organizations active in repressive contexts, which are capable of reacting and adapting easily to a changing context.

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Data innovations on protests in the United States

Dorff

Adcox

Konet

2023

Journal of Peace Research

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For decades, the United States has been generally excluded from cross-national quantitative datasets on the study of collective action and political resistance. More recently, however, new data collection efforts are on the rise. These projects specifically focus on gathering granular level information about street protests and mobilizations in the United States. In this article, we conduct a rigorous exploratory data analysis of three contemporary protest datasets. These data collect information about the when, where and how of contentious politics in the United States. Our thorough data review first summarizes the key similarities and differences across the datasets. Next, we review the regional, temporal and methodological strengths and weaknesses of each dataset both individually and in contrast to one another. Last, we examine potential research applications of these data by demonstrating what these data reveal about the risks of protesting in these types of events. We conclude by offering recommendations for data use and future data collection strategies for the study of collective action.

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10. A Workers’ Social Movement on the Margin of the Global Neoliberal Order, Egypt 2004–2012

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Prelude to the revolution. Independent civic activists in Mubarak’s Egypt and the quest for hegemony

Prelude to the revolution. Independent civic activists in Mubarak’s Egypt and the quest for hegemony

Variety of groups and protests in repressive contexts: The 2011 Egyptian uprisings and their aftermath

Data innovations on protests in the United States

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