The technological advancement and political situations have dramatically impacted the way traditional and new media have played their role in society, especially in the political development of the country. Studying media use and credibility have been a major concern among scholars to understand audience perceptions and attitudes towards the media and their role in politics. This study investigated the level of media use and credibility among voters and their perception of political efficacy. Drawing on a nationwide quota sampling of 2030 respondents, the findings found voter perception on the media as credible, with the highest trust being on television, followed by newspapers and radio. Internet was found to be the least credible. A factor analysis performed on the political efficacy items extracted three dimensions: Voter Efficacy, Internal Efficacy and External Efficacy. The results of hierarchical regression suggested that traditional and new media use as well as media trust dimensions were significantly correlated with political efficacy but different media use and credibility contributed differently to the various efficacy dimensions. Implications and recommendations are further discussed.
Political parties would normally claim that their campaign and communication materials have effects on voters, be it on their supporters or their opponents during election campaigns. However, such effects are assumed effects by the parties unless voters are themselves assessed about the effects of such materials on themselves. The supporters of the parties are likely to regard such campaign materials as congenial to them but this may not be so with the opposition supporters who would regard such materials as negative.Taking the third-person effect to analyze effects on the audience as the theoretical framework, this study posited that opposition members would regard the materials as negative and thus would claim that they would not have any effect on them but they would likely say that such campaign materials would have effects on own party supporters. Davison (1983) posited that individuals will perceive that negative mediated messages would have their greatest impact not "on me" or "you" but on "them,"-the third person.Research suggests that people judge others to be more influenced than they are by media, advertising, libelous messages, media violence, pornography, and television drama. The theory referred to as the Third-person effect developed on the postulation that audience members would not admit that media had any direct effect on them, but would instead believe that the media influenced others, the third person (Tewksbury, Moy, & Weis, 2004; Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research -ISSN 2288-6168 (Online) Vol. 1 No. 4 August 2014 308 http://dx.doi.org/10.15206/ajpor.2014 Price, Tewksbury, & Huang, 1998). On the other hand, while people would discount the effects of negative or biased messages on themselves, they would, under the notion of the First Person Effect, readily admit to being influenced by such messages.This study was based on studying the effects of political literature on party and opposition party supporters taking the messages to be positive to one group and biased and partisan to another group. The study focuses on the assumed effects of political literature on own party and opposition party supporters. It traces the degree of influence of Malaysia's largest political party, Barisan Nasional (BN) political communication literature on its own supporters and on non-BN party supporters. While the third-person effect assumes a null or minimal effect on one's self and some or strong effect on others, the question that arises are on welcoming favorable media effects on oneself and assuming unfavorable effects on others.
Drawing on communication, feminist studies and public relations scholarship, this interdisciplinary paper contributes to feminist perspectives on public relations in order to draw attention to the disciplinary implications of the ongoing exclusion of diverse women’s voices and the ways gendered exclusion is exacerbated by the marginalisation of voices from Global South, Indigenous and settler colonial contexts. Writing from three countries located in the Asia-Pacific region, the authors interrogate the field as feminist public relations scholars and highlight the need for more inclusive practices in academic processes that shape disciplinary knowledge. The paper challenges liberal feminist and postfeminist perspectives, arguing these have significant implications for the production of public relations knowledge. Instead, it argues that feminist public relations scholarship needs to foreground intersectionality and social justice and embrace perspectives and research outside the US and Europe. It calls for greater awareness of the ways power is associated with privilege and determines ‘legitimate’ disciplinary knowledge within public relations in order to challenge structural and institutional inequalities. In advocating for critical, intersectional and transnational feminist public relations, the paper argues for greater reflexivity and vigilance in opening up the field to new and diverse perspectives and improving disciplinary processes.
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