Objectives-Thoughts of historical loss (i.e., the loss of culture, land, and people as a result of colonization) are conceptualized as a contributor to the contemporary distress experienced by North American Indigenous populations. Although discussions of historical loss and related constructs (e.g., historical trauma) are widespread within the Indigenous literature, empirical efforts to understand the consequence of historical loss are limited, partially because of the lack of valid assessments. In this study we evaluated the longitudinal measurement properties of the Historical Loss Scale (HLS)-a standardized measure that was developed to systematically examine the frequency with which Indigenous individuals think about historical loss-among a sample of North American Indigenous adolescents. We also test the hypothesis that thoughts of historical loss can be psychologically distressing.Methods-Via face-to-face interviews, 636 Indigenous adolescents from a single cultural group completed the HLS and a measure of anxiety at 4 time-points, which were separated by 1-to 2-year intervals (M age = 12.09 years, SD = .86, 50.0% girls at baseline).Results-Responses to the HLS were explained well by 3-factor (i.e., cultural loss, loss of people, and cultural mistreatment) and second-order factor structures. Both of these factor structures held full longitudinal metric (i.e., factor loadings) and scalar (i.e., intercepts) equivalence. In addition, using the second-order factor structure, more frequent thoughts of historical loss were associated with increased anxiety.Conclusions-The identified 3-factor and second-order HLS structures held full longitudinal measurement equivalence. Moreover, as predicted, our results suggest that historical loss can be psychologically distressing for Indigenous adolescents.Keywords historical loss; historical trauma; Indigenous adolescents; measurement equivalence/invariance Some experiences are common among members of ethnic and cultural minority groups in North America. For example, members of ethnic and cultural minority groups typically Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Brian E. Armenta, Department of Psychological Sciences, University of Missouri-Columbia, 124E Psychology Building, Columbia, MO 65211. armentab@missouri.edu. Brian E. Armenta is now at Department of Psychological Sciences, University of Missouri -Columbia. HHS Public AccessAuthor manuscript Cultur Divers Ethnic Minor Psychol. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2018 July 10. experience some degree of discrimination and have to navigate two (or more) cultural systems. At the same time, some experiences are more common among members of specific ethnic and cultural minority groups (Armenta et al., 2013). Of specific relevance to the present study, individuals who are indigenous to North America (i.e., American Indians, Alaskan Natives, and Canadian First Nations people) often experience psychological trauma stemming from the historical and ongoing atrocities perpetrated on their people a...
Researchers interested in studying populations that are difficult to reach through traditional survey methods can now draw on a range of methods to access these populations. Yet many of these methods are more expensive and difficult to implement than studies using conventional sampling frames and trusted sampling methods. The network scale-up method (NSUM) provides a middle ground for researchers who wish to estimate the size of a hidden population, but lack the resources to conduct a more specialized hidden population study. Through this method it is possible to generate population estimates for a wide variety of groups that are perhaps unwilling to self-identify as such (for example, users of illegal drugs or other stigmatized populations) via traditional survey tools such as telephone or mail surveys—by asking a representative sample to estimate the number of people they know who are members of such a “hidden” subpopulation. The original estimator is formulated to minimize the weight a single scaling variable can exert upon the estimates. We argue that this introduces hidden and difficult to predict biases, and instead propose a series of methodological advances on the traditional scale-up estimation procedure, including a new estimator. Additionally, we formalize the incorporation of sample weights into the network scale-up estimation process, and propose a recursive process of back estimation “trimming” to identify and remove poorly performing predictors from the estimation process. To demonstrate these suggestions we use data from a network scale-up mail survey conducted in Nebraska during 2014. We find that using the new estimator and recursive trimming process provides more accurate estimates, especially when used in conjunction with sampling weights.
Background Injection drug use and its associated blood-borne infections has become a rapidly increasing problem in rural areas of the US recently. Syringe exchange programs have been shown to be effective for reducing transmission of blood borne infections, however access to these prevention efforts may be limited in rural areas. Methods This paper utilizes two separate community samples of people who inject drugs (PWID) in Puerto Rico to achieve the following research objectives: 1) compare rural and urban access to syringe exchange programs, free sterile syringes and other HIV/HCV prevention activities, and 2) examine whether utilization of prevention activities is associated with lower injection risk behaviors. Two samples were recruited with RDS (n=315 rural sample; n=512 urban sample) and included adults aged 18 years and older who have injected drugs within the past month. Results 78.5% of the urban sample utilized a syringe exchange program in the past year, compared to 58.4% of the rural sample (p<.001). 71.4% of the urban sample received free sterile needles, compared to 58.4% of the rural sample (p<.001). 66% of the urban sample received free works compared to 59% of the rural sample (p=.034). 29% of urban PWID had a conversation with an outreach worker about HIV prevention compared to 18% of the rural sample (p<0.001). Receiving free needles significantly increases the frequency of using a sterile needle to inject (p<.001). Conclusion Urban PWID were significantly more likely to have utilized syringe exchange programs, received free sterile needles, received free works, and to have talked about HIV prevention with an outreach worker during the past year than PWID residing in rural areas. Individuals who accessed these prevention activities were significantly less likely to exhibit risky injection behavior. Policy implications call for increasing access to prevention services in rural areas to reduce disease transmission.
This article explores how social network dynamics may have reduced the spread of HIV-1 infection among people who inject drugs during the early years of the epidemic. Stochastic, discrete event, agent-based simulations are used to test whether a “firewall effect” can arise out of self-organizing processes at the actor level, and whether such an effect can account for stable HIV prevalence rates below population saturation. Repeated simulation experiments show that, in the presence of recurring, acute, and highly infectious outbreaks, micro-network structures combine with the HIV virus’s natural history to reduce the spread of the disease. These results indicate that network factors likely played a significant role in the prevention of HIV infection within injection risk networks during periods of peak prevalence. They also suggest that social forces that disturb network connections may diminish the natural firewall effect and result in higher rates of HIV.
Social connections between individuals are often an important source of information for both quantitative and qualitative anthropological research. Here, we seek to understand the relative strengths and weaknesses of sociometric and ethnographic representations of social connections. We do this by comparing network data collected using a sociometric technique (a name generator) with a network drawn by project ethnographers representing their understanding of social structure in the study population. We find many similarities in the two networks, but they offer somewhat different perspectives into the local social structure. Although the ethnographic network is shaped by the ethnographers’ deeper knowledge of a subset of network members, individuals with high degree (but not betweenness) in the sociometric network are generally present in the ethnographic network. The ethnographers’ interpretation of the factors that lead to high degree centrality in the network is broadly accurate. However, the sociometric network is characterized by a high level of transitivity not seen in the ethnographic network. We consider the importance of the differences we observe for ethnographic practice.
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