Parents of 2-, 5-, 8-, and 11-month-olds used two scales we developed to provide information about their infants' facial experience with familiar and unfamiliar individuals during one week. Results showed large discrepancies in the race, sex, and age of faces that infants experience during their first year with the majority of their facial experience being with their primary caregiver, females, and other individuals of the same-race and age as their primary caregiver. The infant's age and an unfamiliar individual's sex were predictive of their time spent interacting with one another. Moreover, an unfamiliar individual's sex was predictive of the attention infants allocated during social interactions. Differences in frequency and length of interactions with certain types of faces, as well as in infant attention toward certain individuals, all likely contribute to the development of expertise in processing commonly experienced face types and deficiencies in processing less commonly experienced face types.

The authors investigated whether differences in facial stimuli could explain the inconsistencies in the facial attractiveness literature regarding whether adults prefer more masculine- or more feminine-looking male faces. Their results demonstrated that use of a female average to dimorphically transform a male facial average produced stimuli that did not accurately reflect the relationship between masculinity and attractiveness. In contrast, use of averages of masculine males and averages of feminine males produced stimuli that did accurately reflect the relationship between masculinity and attractiveness. Their findings suggest that masculinity contributes more to male facial attractiveness than does femininity, but future research should investigate how various combinations of facial cues contribute to male facial attractiveness.

Psychological scientists have become increasingly concerned with issues related to methodology and replicability, and infancy researchers in particular face specific challenges related to replicability: For example, high-powered studies are difficult to conduct, testing conditions vary across labs, and different labs have access to different infant populations. Addressing these concerns, we report on a large-scale, multisite study aimed at (a) assessing the overall replicability of a single theoretically important phenomenon and (b) examining methodological, cultural, and developmental moderators. We focus on infants’ preference for infant-directed speech (IDS) over adult-directed speech (ADS). Stimuli of mothers speaking to their infants and to an adult in North American English were created using seminaturalistic laboratory-based audio recordings. Infants’ relative preference for IDS and ADS was assessed across 67 laboratories in North America, Europe, Australia, and Asia using the three common methods for measuring infants’ discrimination (head-turn preference, central fixation, and eye tracking). The overall meta-analytic effect size (Cohen’s d) was 0.35, 95% confidence interval = [0.29, 0.42], which was reliably above zero but smaller than the meta-analytic mean computed from previous literature (0.67). The IDS preference was significantly stronger in older children, in those children for whom the stimuli matched their native language and dialect, and in data from labs using the head-turn preference procedure. Together, these findings replicate the IDS preference but suggest that its magnitude is modulated by development, native-language experience, and testing procedure.

This research examined whether infants tested longitudinally at 10, 14, and 16 months of age (N = 58) showed evidence of perceptual narrowing based on face gender (better discrimination of female than male faces) and whether changes in caregiving experience longitudinally predicted changes in infants' discrimination of male faces. To test face discrimination, infants participated in familiarization/novelty preference tasks and visual search tasks including female and male faces. At each age of participation, they were coded as having a female primary caregiver only or distributed caregiving experience (alternating experience with a female and male primary caregiver). Perceptual narrowing was evident for infants with a female primary caregiver, but only within the visual search task, which required location of a familiarized face among 3 novel distractor faces (exemplar-based discrimination); it was not evident within the familiarity/novelty preference task, which required discrimination between a familiarized and novel face (individual-based discrimination). Caregiving experience significantly explained individual changes in infants' ability to locate male faces during the visual search task after 10 months. These data are the first to demonstrate flexibility of the face processing system in relation to gender discrimination when there is a change in caregiver within the infants' natural environment after perceptual narrowing normally manifests. (PsycINFO Database Record

Although research suggests that facial attractiveness biases significantly affect social development and interactions, these biases are understudied in the developmental literature and are overlooked when designing interventions relative to gender and race. The authors, therefore, compared how much bias 3-11-year-olds (N=102) displayed in the three domains. They also examined whether bias and flexibility (understanding that different social groups can possess similar attributes) were related across domains. Children's attractiveness biases, particularly for girl targets, were as strong as or stronger than gender or race biases. Flexibility, but not bias, was related across domains. Developmental scientists and policymakers should increase efforts toward understanding development of attractiveness biases and determine which methods of teaching flexibility are most successful at reducing bias across domains.Stereotypes are beliefs about a social group that affect how perceivers process information about category members and often result in biased attitudes (positive or negative associations) toward members of particular social groups (Allport, 1954;Hamilton & Trolier, 1986). Even young children (3-to 4-year-olds) display biases based on gender, race, and facial attractiveness (e.g., Dion, 1973;Powlishta, 1995b), but it is unclear how these biases compare in terms of strength. One study with 6-and 10-year-old children, however, showed facial attractiveness influenced their attributions and peer preferences more so than race (Langlois & Stephan, 1977), suggesting attractiveness biases may be particularly robust.It is important to assess bias strength in the three domains because of their impact on judgments of interpersonal attributes and competence (Eagly, 1995;Langlois et al., 2000;Talaska, Fiske, & Chaiken, 2008). In addition, facial attractiveness biases are often overlooked in terms of public policy and receive less developmental scientific inquiry compared to gender and race biases. For example, a recent social policy report that encouraged designing interventions within a developmental framework that promoted "equity, tolerance, and justice" mentioned gender, race, and ethnicity as characteristics NIH Public Access Author ManuscriptChild Dev. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2014 July 22. Published in final edited form as:Child Dev. 2014 July ; 85(4): 1401-1418. doi:10.1111/cdev.12226. NIH-PA Author ManuscriptNIH-PA Author Manuscript NIH-PA Author Manuscript children use to discriminate others, but not attractiveness (Killen, Rutland, & Ruck, 2011). A PsycINFO search on November 11, 2013 using the terms "bias," "development," and either "gender," "race," or "attractiveness" produced 646, 279, and 23 results, respectively, indicating that development of attractiveness bias is under-researched compared to development of gender and race bias. If attractiveness influences children's biases as much as or more than gender and race, it is critical to better understand their development and to make attrac...