Social capital emphasizes community and social cohesion as the foundation of development. In Africa, this has prompted the promotion of traditional authorities as agents of development because chiefs and elders are assumed to embody communal norms. Critics have argued that this vision is ahistorical. In response, social capitalists have attempted to ‘historicize’ their analyses. But in many cases, ‘history’ simply refers to the micro‐level production of trust, networks and norms. From a historian's perspective this is problematic because it ignores historical processes that often produce social hierarchies and inequality within ‘traditional’ communities. Using a case study from southern Ghana, I argue that, because of their particular view of history, many social capitalists remain blind to differentiation and conflict at the community level. As a result, social capital‐driven projects run the risk of reproducing deeply rooted inequalities.

Since the 1980s, scientific experts have made a number of recommendations for averting food insecurity and famine in Northern Ghana and other dryland areas of West Africa. These studies are based on regional meteorological data, and their suggestions include early warning systems, smallholder agricultural development, and the depopulation of densely settled regions. Much of this literature posits two main hypotheses: that regional data can provide a reliable indicator of the potential for harvest failure, and that the recommended policy actions can work because they are new and innovative, without historical precedent. This article delves into the colonial past to challenge both of these hypotheses. Using Northern Ghana as a case study, we question the usefulness of regional data for understanding food insecurity, and we show that the supposedly novel ideas of the present in fact have a strong colonial lineage.

This article examines a rehabilitation program for disabled Ghanaians developed by Kwame Nkrumah's government between 1961 and 1966. Arising at a time when Nkrumah was moving away from welfarism in favor of a ‘big push’ for industrialization, rehabilitation sought to integrate disabled citizens into the national economy as productive workers. Nkrumah's program was preceded by a colonial rehabilitation project during the 1940s for disabled African soldiers. The colonial initiative drew heavily on the British model of social orthopaedics, which equated citizenship with work. This philosophy resonated with Nkrumah's vision of national development based on full employment. Although its economic focus had troubling implications for citizenship and welfare, Nkrumah's rehabilitation program was unique among newly independent African states, and it arguably produced a positive legacy.

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Purpose: This is a survey of peer-reviewed articles focussed on the causes and consequences of stigma towards persons with physical disability in Ghana.Method: After a systematic search of the online databases EBSCOhost, ProQuest, PubMEd and Web of Science for peer-reviewed articles on disability in Ghana, 26 articles were chosen for critical review.  The three main selection criteria were: the articles had to be peer-reviewed, they had to be based on interviews with Ghanaians in the field, and they had to discuss stigma and human rights.  For analysis, the content of the articles was grouped under two sections: major themes (human rights, causes of stigma, consequences of stigma) and policy recommendations (economics, medical services/healthcare, affirmative action, attitudes and awareness-raising, inclusion of cultural beliefs).Results:   This review found that most of the studies attribute stigma to negative attitudes towards Ghanaians with disability, and many highlight beliefs among Ghanaians that disability is caused by spiritual and supernatural forces. The consequences, according to most authors, are social, economic and political exclusion. Policy recommendations include improving government policy, increasing funding for disability programmes, changing public attitudes, and paying attention to Ghanaian culture and tradition in designing disability interventions. While these are valid points, the authors of this paper are of the opinion that the literature also suffers from lack of a deep understanding of the historical and socio-cultural roots of supernatural beliefs in Ghana.    Conclusion: The 26 studies discussed in this review show that since 2006 very good work has been produced on disability in Ghana, especially by Ghanaian disability scholars. It is hypothesised, however, that a full understanding of disability and stigma in Ghana must be based on deeper research into the roots of the beliefs that drive stigma.  Future work therefore should focus on deepening the analysis of cultural beliefs towards disability in Ghana, in order to understand fully the roots of culturally-based disability stigma. More research into the economic causes and consequences of disability is also recommended, without which a full analysis of cultural stigma will not be possible.