Planetary health is a transdisciplinary approach that aims to advance the understanding of the links between human-driven changes to the planet and their consequences, and to develop appropriate solutions to the challenges identified. This emerging movement has not yet agreed upon a code of ethics to underpin the rapidly expanding body of research being carried out in its name. However, a code of ethics might support the principles for planetary health set out in the Canmore Declaration of 2018. Phrases such as “Public Health 2.0”, “Human Health in an Era of Global Environmental Change”, or “A safe and just operating space for humanity” are often used in planetary health discussions, but are not always clearly defined and so far, the field lacks a strong guiding ethical framework. In this paper, we propose a starting point towards a code of ethics for planetary health that builds on the Canmore Declaration. We chose to propose 12 ethical principles in recognition of the need for a 12-Step Programme for the planet. The human race must identify and reject damaging behaviours. Evidence of the harm we are causing the planet is no longer enough and refraining from certain current practices is essential for Earth’s future health. We must motivate advocacy and calls for action. We believe a shared ethical code can act as a tool to enable and encourage that process. This paper is presented to the planetary health community as a starting point, not as a finished agenda. We welcome comments, critiques, additions and the opportunity to rework our approach accordingly.
Motivation How has the securitization of development affected the distribution of bilateral development aid by sector? Over the past two decades, academics and development NGOs have become increasingly concerned about the impact of the securitization of development. This debate has not, however, adequately addressed the impact of securitization on actual aid commitments to key sectors. If aid commitments are influenced by securitization this will have implications for the types of programmes funded by bilateral donors. Purpose This article examines whether and how securitization has affected the distribution of UK, US, Danish and Swedish development aid by sector through investigating how conflict in aid‐recipient states—and the extent to which these states are perceived as a security threat—affect aid commitments to priority sectors; democratization and peace, conflict and security. Approach and Methods A mixed‐methods approach analyses the policy discourse and aid commitments of the four bilateral donors. The former involves a systematic collection and analysis of development policy documents from the four donors over the last two decades. For the latter we use data from the OECD's Creditor Reporting System and the Uppsala University Conflict Data Programme, along with data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute and the Global Terrorism Database in a cross‐sectional time‐series regression analysis. Findings The new data produced indicate that the securitization of development has had the most significant effect on aid commitments to states not affected by conflict and that the strategic importance of conflict‐affected states and the domestic character of donor governments both influence the strength of aid securitization. Policy Implications Given the concerns regarding aid for security purposes and donors’ policy discourse, bilateral donors should consider the need of current funding for conflict, peace and security programmes in states not affected by conflict and recognize the role of national security interests in decisions about the distribution of aid.
Natural and social science studies have commonly referenced a ‘typical’ or ‘habitual’ Nigerian diet, without defining what such a diet entails. Our study, based on a systematic review of the existing literature and an analysis of household-level survey data, describes the general outline of a common Nigerian diet and how it varies based on spatial, demographic, and socio-economic characteristics. We further try to establish whether Nigeria has embarked on a dietary transition common in most modern economies, marked by a greater consumption of processed foods, fats, and sugar at the expense of traditional whole cereals and pulses. We conclude that while a traditional Nigerian diet is still relatively healthy from an international perspective, it has indeed been transitioning, with an increasing inclusion of high-energy, high-fat, and high-sugar processed foods and a related growing incidence of overweight, obesity, and diet-related non-communicable diseases.
This article evaluates the role of social capital as a risk-coping device in India's Andhra Pradesh state. Focusing on children's nutritional outcomes, we test whether social capital serves as an informal insurance mechanism and helps households minimize the negative effect of shocks. We examine the impact of two kinds of income shocks, idiosyncratic and covariant, and the potentially risk-mitigating role of two types of social capital, structural and cognitive, measured first at the individual and second at the community level. The econometric methods we employ include fixed effects, random effects, and a Hausman-Taylor specification. We find that individuallevel structural and community-level cognitive social capital significantly mitigate the negative effect of idiosyncratic shocks, suggesting that persons with stronger social networks and/or living in more closely-knit communities are better informally insured against individual income shocks. On the other hand, community-level structural social capital appears to fulfil a similar role in the aftermath of covariant shocks. The underlying rationale might be that communities with more social organization are better able to negotiate with public authorities to receive help after community-wide disasters. We conclude by considering the findings within the local context of Andhra Pradesh and drawing relevant policy recommendations.
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