Relations between Brussels and Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) worsened during and after the 2015 migration crisis. In order to see to what extent CEE citizens contributed to and/or resonated with this new state of affairs, this paper investigates public opinion before the migration crisis in seven CEE EU Member States. We inquire whether the main issues of the rift (CEE political elites’ opposition to following EU decisions and immigration and their emphasis on sovereignism, nationalism, Christian Europe and historical traumas) could also be traced to public stances towards these issues before the migration crisis. We used the ISSP National Identity module conducted in 2013 and 2014 in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Croatia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia and Slovenia. The results show that opposition to EU supranationalism was not linked to ethnic nationalism and religious identity (except in Hungary). Contrary to political elites, who emphasised the cultural threat posed by migration, public opinion was more concerned with the economic threat. Moreover, the perception of cultural threat was not linked to opposing EU supranationalism in any of the countries. However, particularly support for sovereignism (in almost all the countries), but also pride in national history (in some countries) correlated negatively with support for EU supranationalism. The results suggest that political elites can bypass public opinion to construct an anti-EU climate, however not out of thin air. The conditions for such a process were present in Hungary with its emerging transnational cleavage, which shows the importance of cleavages in studying Euroscepticism.
Drawing on Sekulić, Massey and Hodson’s seminal article ‘Who were the Yugoslavs?’, this paper compares the share and determinants of identifying as Yugoslavs during socialism with the panorama of primary European identification. Eurobarometer surveys containing data on European identification are utilized to that end. The study takes in consideration social and political contexts that shaped supranational identification in particular Yugoslav socialist republics and EU member states. Our findings show low levels of Europeans and Yugoslavs in both polities. The results also show that nationally specific contexts affect both the prevalence of European identification and its determinants. There are considerable differences in the level of European identification among EU countries, and statistical analyses of the Belgian, French and German cases further showed that different factors shape it. Of all the variables, non-exclusive nationalities have been the strongest predictors of supranational identification in both Socialist Yugoslavia and the EU.
Empirijska istraživanja mladih u Hrvatskoj provode se od sredine 20. stoljeća te se od tada u brojnim publikacijama navodi da su mladi marginalna društvena skupina s obzirom na količinu društvene, ekonomske i političke moći. Zajednički nazivnik svih navedenih istraživanja jest zaključak da društveni i politički sustav hrvatskog društva ne stvara poticajno okruženje za kvalitetan razvoj mladih, to jest da postoje strukturne prepreke za ostvarenje osobnog, društvenog i političkog potencijala te dobne kohorte. Gotovo je aksiomatska tvrdnja sociologije mladih da su mladi heterogena društvena skupina koja se razlikuje ne samo po svojim demografskim već i socijalnim karakteristikama. No ako je tomu tako, potrebno je vidjeti koje društvene skupine mladih imaju više ili manje moći, u cilju minucioznijeg uvida u socio-politički portret hrvatske omladine. Međutim, predmetna istraživanja ne analiziraju u dovoljnoj mjeri razlike između skupina mladih s obzirom na percepciju vlastitog utjecaja. Temeljni je cilj ovog rada dekonstruirati mlade kao monolitnu društvenu skupinu te ih pokušati kategorizirati u relevantne socijalne kategorije. Za potrebe istraživanja odabrane su različite varijable radi utvrđivanja razlika između grupa s obzirom na zavisnu varijablu percepcije moći vlastite grupe koju su mladi iskazali u upitniku provedenom 2018. godine. Uzorak mladih obuhvatio je 1500 ispitanika u dobi od 14 do 29 godina iz Hrvatske. Korištenjem linearne regresije utvrđeno je koje varijable imaju statističku povezanost s percepcijom moći vlastite grupe: rizična ponašanja, alternativna politička participacija, povjerenje u političku sferu, zainteresiranost za politiku i autoritarnost. Uz to, u regresijsku analizu uvrštene su i sociodemografske varijable koje se nisu pokazale kao povezane, uz iznimku spola. Uz linearnu regresiju, korišteni su t-testovi i ANOVA-e u cilju uvida u razlike u grupama na statistički povezanim varijablama.
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