Summarizing the major findings of literature on hook-up culture, we propose a new research agenda focusing on when and why this sexual subculture emerged. We explore a series of hypotheses to explain this sexual paradigm shift, including college and university policies, the gender distribution of students, changes in the nature of alcohol use, access to and consumption of pornography, the increased sexual content of non-pornographic media, rising self-objectification and narcissism, new marriage norms, and perceptions of sexual risk. We then recommend new directions for research, emphasizing the need to explore structural and psychological as well as cultural factors, the role of discrete events alongside slowly emerging social change, the need for intersectional research and studies of non-college-attending and post-college youth, and the benefits of longitudinal and cross-college designs.

This paper examines the role of self-interest and symbolic attitudes as predictors of support for two domestic policy issues-guaranteed jobs and incomes and national health insurance-in the American National Election Survey (ANES) between 1972 and 2004. As was the case in 1976 when Sears, Lau, Tyler, and Allen (1980) first explored this topic, symbolic attitudes continue to be much more important predictors of policy attitudes than various indicators of self-interest over the 30 years we analyze. We explore this finding further to determine whether any individual/internal and external/contextual variables affect the magnitude of self-interest effects on policy support. Five possible internal moderators of self-interest effects are examined: (1) political knowledge, (2) issue publics, (3) political values, (4) social identifications, and (5) emotions, but none are found to boost the magnitude of the self-interest effect. However, we do find some evidence that contextual variables representing the social/information environment moderate the impact of selfinterest on public opinion.

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Despite mainstream criminology's burgeoning interest in issues of race, class, and gender, very little scholarship has examined whiteness and its attendant privileges in understanding public discourse on criminal offenders. This paper examines the role of penal spectatorship as a discursive mechanism by which white, female offenders are protected in public spaces by virtue of their racial and gender identity. Using a content analysis of comments posted on the mug shot images of white women on a popular 'mug shot website,' we find that these women are viewed as victims of circumstance deserving of empathy and redemption rather than as criminals. We offer 'white protectionism' as a means by which whites extend privilege and protection to other whites who transverse the boundaries of whiteness through criminality to guard against 'deviant' or 'criminal' designations. These findings add to our understandings of penal spectatorship as yet another tool of white supremacy operating in the Post-Civil Rights era of mass incarceration. scholarship demonstrates that white women offenders are depicted as less culpable and more capable of reform as compared to women of color (). Yet, little is understood of how this privileging is accomplished beyond media coverage. We take up these questions in looking at broader public discourse in the form of online comments in order to understand how white women's offending is perceived, discussed, and reconciled.

Using Sarah Palin's candidacy for the vicepresidency, Heflick and Goldenberg (2011) empirically link female sexual objectification with the negative perceptions and poor performances of female candidates. We argue that the authors undersell the importance of their findings, especially considering shifts in the content and ubiquitousness of mass media. Advances in communication technologies have enabled a new era of objectification, marked by an increasing presence and acceptance of sexual objectification in media, greater pornographic content in mainstream media, and greater acceptance of pornography in U.S. society more broadly. In the years since U.S. scholars began critiquing sexual objectification, its normalization and degree of penetration into our daily lives have increased, largely due to a proliferation of marketing and entertainment media images enabled by the Internet and other communication technology. Given this new era of objectification, we conclude that the phenomenon identified by Heflick and Goldenberg is more likely to influence the success of female politicians now than it was in the 1970s (when the sexual objectification of women was first problematized) and that it may also help explain the recent stagnation in U.S. progress towards gender equity in political representation.

This article employs a content analysis to investigate whether and how the violent woman archetype in action film changed from 1960 to 2014. We find a trend toward hypersexualized female action leads (FALs), starting in the 2000s. This trend is in line with the broader social trends of hypersexualization during this period, evidenced in a variety of other media sources. We then combine these findings with existing research to discuss the likely affects on viewers' attitudes and beliefs. We suggest that the trend toward hypersexualizing FALs has harmful public health affects and is part of a broader cultural backlash against gender equity. Public Health Significance Statement: This study finds a trend toward hypersexualization of female protagonists in action cinema that contributes to the cultural normalization of female objectification. This normalization has been linked to clinical depression, habitual body monitoring, diet restriction, symptoms of anorexia and bulimia, social physique anxiety, shame about bodily functions, inhibited cognitive functioning, diminished motor skills, diminished sexual pleasure, lower self-esteem, diminished personal efficacy, and lower overall well-being for women.