We report evidence that individual-level variation in people's physiological and attentional responses to aversive and appetitive stimuli are correlated with broad political orientations. Specifically, we find that greater orientation to aversive stimuli tends to be associated with right-of-centre and greater orientation to appetitive (pleasing) stimuli with left-of-centre political inclinations. These findings are consistent with recent evidence that political views are connected to physiological predispositions but are unique in incorporating findings on variation in directed attention that make it possible to understand additional aspects of the link between the physiological and the political.

Prior research finds that liberals and conservatives process information differently. Predispositions toward intuitive versus reflective thinking may help explain this individual level variation. There have been few direct tests of this hypothesis and the results from the handful of studies that do exist are contradictory. Here we report the results of a series of studies using the Cognitive Reflection Test (CRT) to investigate inclinations to be reflective and political orientation. We find a relationship between thinking style and political orientation and that these effects are particularly concentrated on social attitudes. We also find it harder to manipulate intuitive and reflective thinking than a number of prominent studies suggest. Priming manipulations used to induce reflection and intuition in published articles repeatedly fail in our studies. We conclude that conservatives—more specifically, social conservatives—tend to be dispositionally less reflective, social liberals tend to be dispositionally more reflective, and that the relationship between reflection and intuition and political attitudes may be more resistant to easy manipulation than existing research would suggest.

Objectives: Sensitivity to disgust predicts social attitudes, but this relationship can shift depending on gender and whether response to disgust is measured through surveys or physiological tests. We are interested in exploring the relationship between gender, political preferences and different measures of disgust. Methods: We systematically evaluate these interrelationships by comparing self-reported disgust sensitivity and changes in skin conductance while viewing disgusting images, accounting for gender and attitudes toward gay marriage. Results:We find that, though there is no physiological difference between genders, opponents of gay marriage conform to gender role expectations in self-reports, with women reporting higher levels of disgust than males. For males, physiological response better predicts attitudes on gay marriage because there are physiological, but not self-reported, differences between supporters and opponents. Self-report and physiology both predict gay marriage attitudes for females. Conclusions:Our findings suggest that combining traditional survey and physiological measures provides leverage in exploring questions related to social behaviors and their origins. ---Whether explained by theories of evolutionary psychology or the forces of socialization, scholars have long been interested in exploring the emotions that motivate action as well as gender differences in the propensity to experience and express those emotions. Political scientists have traditionally relied on self-report data to explore individual-level differences that underlie political attitudes and behavior in spite of well-known weaknesses like vulnerability to social desirability biases and the inability of people to effectively evaluate or communicate their attitudes and experiences (Cacioppo et al., 2007). Recently, promising technology and methodology have been imported from psychophysiology, allowing political scientists to build on the base of knowledge established by survey research while providing a more nuanced view of political behavior.Psychological states can be inferred from physiological data without the biases inherent in selfreport measures (Bradley and Lang, 2007;Cacioppo et al., 2007; because specific non-conscious changes in physiology correspond to emotional states (Cacioppo et al., 2007).A clear opportunity to gain knowledge from the use of physiology can be found in research on disgust sensitivity, gender, and political attitudes. Both self-reported measures of disgust and physiological responses to disgusting stimuli are associated with political ideology and more specific attitudes on homosexuality (Inbar et al., 2009a;Inbar et al., 2009b;Smith et al., 2009;Terrizzi et al., 2010). However, links between gender and disgust sensitivity suggest a more complicated picture.Women repeatedly report higher sensitivity to disgust than men but physiological responses to disgusting stimuli are very similar across gender (Kring and Gordon, 1998; Rohrmann et al., 2008;Stark et al. 2005). In spite of th...

If many consider the United States to be a Christian nation, how does this affect individuals who are American citizens but not Christian? We test two major hypotheses: (1) Americans consider Christians to be more fully American than non-Christians. We examine whether Americans explicitly and implicitly connect being Christian with being a true American; and (2) Christian Americans are more likely to be patriotic and set exclusive boundaries on the national group than non-Christian Americans. Among non-Christians, however, those who want to be fully accepted as American will be more patriotic and set more exclusive boundaries to emulate prototypical Americans than non-Christians who place less emphasis on national group membership. We test these hypotheses using data from a survey and from an Implicit Association Test. We find that Americans in general associate being Christian with being a true American. For Christians, this is true both explicitly and implicitly. For non-Christians, only the implicit measure uncovers an association. We also found that non-Christians exhibit significantly more pro-national group behaviors when they desire being prototypical than when they do not.

Abstract:Political involvement varies markedly across people. Traditional explanations for this variation tend to rely on demographic variables and self-reported, overtly political concepts. In this article, we expand the range of possible explanatory variables by hypothesizing that a correlation exists between political involvement and physiological predispositions. We measure physiology by computing the degree to which electrodermal activity changes on average when a participant sequentially views a full range of differentially valenced stimuli. Our findings indicate that individuals with higher electrodermal responsiveness are also more likely to participate actively in politics. This relationship holds even after the effects of traditional demographic variables are This is the author's manuscript of the article published in final edited form as:Gruszczynski, M. W., Balzer, A., Jacobs, C. M., Smith, K. B., & Hibbing, J. R. (2013). The Physiology of Political Participation. Political Behavior, 35(1), 135-152. Available from: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-012-9197-x taken into account, suggesting that physiological responsiveness independently contributes to a fuller understanding of the underlying sources of variation in political involvement.The discipline of political science has long viewed the normative standard of rationality as the key to understanding participation in the democratic sphere (see Downs 1957; Aristotle 2010) and an important element of rationality is typically assumed to be conscious awareness.People are presumed to be aware of the "rational" reasons for their political choices. Relatedly, citizens making decisions in a democratic society have traditionally been expected to eschew their base emotional predispositions-fear, anger, happiness, and others-in favor of using the rationality made possible by their frontal cortex (Neblo 2007). For example, it is often assumed that people will participate in politics only when they believe (note the presumption of conscious thought) it is worth their time (Downs 1957). This line of thinking is so prevalent historically that the founders themselves argued for building institutions capable of protecting political society against the foibles of an emotional citizenry (Hamilton, Madison and Jay 1788). The conceit seems to be that if people are neither visibly displaying emotion nor consciously feeling the effects of emotion, politics will be the better for it.These normative standards frequently do not correspond to empirical observations, as an ever-increasing body of research demonstrates that the supposed battle between emotion and rationality constitutes a false dichotomy (see Hanoch 2002;McDermott 2004). Spezio and Adolphs (2007) note that the emotional and cognitive portions of the brain, rather than working against one another, cooperate in a system resembling a feedforward network, with emotional appraisal acting as an information processer, passing some information upward for cognitive elaboration while other information is never passed on ...