How the discourse of hatred in South Korea has changed and what is the effect of the discourse on the policymaking process? This article empirically examines the changes in the discourse of hared in South Korea from 2000 to 2021. Analyzing news big data based on the Latent Dirichlet Allocation(LDA) models, we found that the hatred related to politics has consistently received great attention. On the contrary, the salience of non-political hatred such as the hatred against LGBT, immigrants, men, and platforms fluctuates according to the occurrence of specific events. With the passage of time, new hatred topics including AI and COVID-19 emerge, but the existing types of hatred are observed even within the new themes. In addition, this article using logistic regression models demonstrates that there is a statistically and substantively significant relationship between the number of news articles concerning hatred against gender conflict and the probability of sponsoring bills about violence against women. Also, this article finds that male legislators compared to their female counterparts are more sensitive to the number of news articles about hatred.
Societal attitudes toward gender roles in the workplace and politics play a central part in theorizing on the difficulty women face in achieving political equality, but shortcomings in the available data have prevented direct examination of many implications of these theories. Drawing on recent advances in latent-variable modeling of public opinion and a comprehensive collection of survey data, we present the Public Gender Egalitarianism dataset to address this need: comparable estimates of the public's attitudes on gender equality in the public sphere across more than one hundred countries over time. These Public Gender Egalitarianism scores are strongly correlated with responses to individual survey items and with women's rates of participation in the labor force and corporate boards. We expect that the Public Gender Egalitarianism data will become an invaluable source for broadly cross-national and longitudinal research on the causes and consequences of collective attitudes toward gender equality in politics and the economy.
Measuring democratic support as a single latent variable requires assuming that it falls along a single dimension from steadfast opposition to wholehearted support. This ignores ample evidence that support for democracy is complex and multidimensional. Here we provide a series of validation tests of the sort of cross-national time-series latent variable measures employed in recent research by reference to questions on support for liberal democracy and opposition to its erosion from multiwave surveys conducted around the world. These tests show that, across countries and years, this latent variable is nearly orthogonal to measures of support for contestation and participation; civil liberties; institutional constraints on executive power; and prioritizing democracy over the economy, economic equality, or order. We conclude that support for democracy in any robust sense is simply not well captured by a unidimensional latent variable. Such measures are powerful but researchers must be mindful of their limitations.
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