In March 2014 a group of early career researchers and academics from São Paulo state and from the UK met at the University of Campinas to participate in a workshop on 'Responsible

The authors report three studies guided by Sabini and Silver’s view of the shame-embarrassment distinction. In each study, participants reported the emotions they would feel in scenarios. In Studies 1 and 2, they found that people reported experiencing shame if a real flaw was exposed but reported embarrassment if an audience member would (reasonably) think such a flaw was exposed. In Study 3, the authors found that the unreasonable perceptions of a flaw by an audience led to reported anger. The data are consistent with the view that people refer to themselves as experiencing shame when they believe that a real flaw of their self has been revealed, they refer to themselves as experiencing embarrassment when they believe that others have reason to think a flaw has been revealed, and they refer to themselves as angry when they believe others unreasonably see them as flawed. The data are inconsistent with the view that embarrassment is tied to violations of conventions, whereas shame is tied to moral failings.

In 1998, the north of Ireland emerged from a protracted civil insurgency sustained by a socio-

During the current pandemic, forest loss in 2020 has dwarfed the devastation of the previous year. The scale of environmental crimes and aggression towards indigenous peoples and people of African-descendent has been a characteristic of the Bolsonaro administration in the Amazon region. As cases of COVID-19 rise daily in remote areas of the Amazon, a recent study indicates that indigenous lands that aren’t formally demarcated are more vulnerable to intrusion and hence disease: indeed illegal loggers have emerged as a key vector of Covid-19 transmission in a region with Brazil’s lowest number of intensive care units. The weakening of environmental protection in the Amazon has been systematic and a feature of the Brazilian shift from neo-liberalism to neo-developmentalism which can be characterised politically as neo-liberal authoritarianism. If Covid-19 also is now becoming a metaphor for the poisonous spread of neo-liberal globalisation, plunder and land grabs in the Brazilian rainforest can be seen to represent the most egregious of many egregious cases on the ground zero of neo-liberalism unchained. With the rise of Bolsonaro, we can see that the previous conjuncture characterised by the hegemony of PT and Lula was the exception to Brazil’s long embrace of the caudillo going back to the 1930s. Even then, a look at the mechanism of Lula’s rule raises questions as to precisely what changed under Lula when it came to the state and the rule of big capital.

Agrofuels are increasingly sourced and sold as a socially and environmentally beneficial solution to oil dependence. The promotion of sugar-derived ethanol as a substitute for petroleum has thus been key to state development and international trade policies by Brazil and EU respectively and subsequent investment by leading energy and food transnational corporations has transformed socio-spatial relations in the new sites of production. Brazilian rural worker testimonies, however, point to large scale labour exclusion rather than reform and a deepening, rather than disruption, of historic power inequalities in the sector. Labour contestation challenges a converging institutional discourse of responsible technological innovation and social upgrading associated with emerging commodity chains and the 'green' economy. Although corporate and statutory response has been market-orientated certification and 'more technology' the idea of the 'techno-institutional fix' provides a power relationattentive analysis that invites the further exploration of socially committed alternatives to food and energy production.