Programs seeking to improve sexual consent communication among college men should reduce destructive beliefs and encourage sexually assertive communication.
The goal of this study was to evaluate
the effectiveness of organic
chemistry textbooks in developing student representational competence
skills with eight representations of molecular structure (Lewis structures,
Kekulé structures, condensed structures, electrostatic potential
maps, skeletal structures, dash–wedge diagrams, Newman projections,
and chair conformations). Five commonly used organic chemistry textbooks
in the United States were deductively coded with Kozma and Russell’s
representational competence framework. The analyses focused on identifying
representational competence skills that are taught for each type of
representation, as well as how consistently these skills are taught
across text, worked examples, and practice problems within each textbook.
We found that more representational competence skills are taught for
some representations rather than others. In addition, all five textbooks
may promote foundational representational competence skills, such
as the ability to interpret, translate, and generate representations,
but may fail to support learners in developing higher-level metarepresentational
skills. Generally, more skills are taught in text, in comparison to
the number of skills that are scaffolded in worked examples and assessed
in practice problems. This means that the textbooks introduce various
skills but do not provide as much support for students to develop
and practice these skills. Finally, worked examples of some textbooks
provide much more scaffolded explanations than others, allowing for
a different amount of skill-building support.
In the context of an increasingly divided populace, this article considered how the emotions (enthusiasm and anxiety) partisans feel toward U.S. presidential candidates may heighten or diminish affective polarization. In Study 1 (American National Election Studies [ANES] 2008–2009 panel data), we found that enthusiasm for the in-group candidate and anxiety about the out-group candidate were related to higher levels of affective polarization, whereas enthusiasm for the out-group candidate was related to lower levels of affective polarization. In Study 2 (2016 panel data), we found that in-group enthusiasm was related to higher levels of affective polarization and out-group enthusiasm was related to lower levels of affective polarization, but neither in-group nor out-group anxiety was significantly related to affective polarization. These findings highlight that enthusiasm about out-group candidates may have a unique ability to disrupt affective polarization and that it is important to consider the source of an emotion response, not just the type of emotion.
While it is becoming increasingly clear that religious cues influence voter evaluations in the United States, work examining religious cues has largely overlooked the conditioning role of race. We employed a 2 × 2 (White candidate vs. Black candidate) × (racial cues vs. no racial cues) online experiment with a national sample (N= 397; 56% white, 46% black) where participants were exposed to a fictitious congressional candidate's webpage. Results show that White participants expected the religious candidate to be more conservative, regardless of race, while Black participants did not perceive a difference in ideology between the religious and non-religious Black candidates. Additionally, when it comes to candidate favorability, religious cues matter more to White participants, while racial cues are most important to Black participants. These findings provide evidence that religious and racial cues activate different assumptions among White and Black citizens.
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