Virtually boyfriends: the ‘social factory’ and affective labor of male virtual lovers in China

Cashing the pink RMB through docile bodies: queering paradox of erotic entrepreneurs on Chinese social media platforms

“…Most adopt a positive and hopeful persona online, using these half-open, regulated platforms (where registration and subscription create a small circle of known individuals while still concealing their real identities) as a place to express their alternative desires and gendered troubles (Chen, 2021b;Ai et al, 2023). However, given the diverse and sometimes contradictory identities and interests involved, portrayals of this trade are often entangled with sexism (predominantly male virtual lovers, see Tan and Xu, 2020), ageism, ableism, lookism, and homophobia (used as a 'gay bravado' topos and prank between straight men, see Bridges, 2018).…”

Cashing the pink RMB through docile bodies: queering paradox of erotic entrepreneurs on Chinese social media platforms

“…Most adopt a positive and hopeful persona online, using these half-open, regulated platforms (where registration and subscription create a small circle of known individuals while still concealing their real identities) as a place to express their alternative desires and gendered troubles (Chen, 2021b;Ai et al, 2023). However, given the diverse and sometimes contradictory identities and interests involved, portrayals of this trade are often entangled with sexism (predominantly male virtual lovers, see Tan and Xu, 2020), ageism, ableism, lookism, and homophobia (used as a 'gay bravado' topos and prank between straight men, see Bridges, 2018).…”

Keeping Company: Exploring the Positive Dimensions of Emotional Labor in China's Pei Liao Industry

“…In Tan and Xu (2020), the workers quoted describe their work as engaging, educational, and emotionally satisfying, with some even choosing not to charge their clients. However, rather than exploring these as positive dimensions of emotional labor, the authors interpret these accounts through the lens of neoliberal critique, describing these workers as embodying "the imperative to maximize human capital for material gain that rests at the core of neoliberalism" (Tan andXu 2020, 1562). The perspectives conveyed by the companionship chat workers in our study resonate with those in Tan and Xu's study, in that they frequently find emotional fulfillment and value in their work.…”

“…Clicking a listing shows workers' background identifiers (e.g., "graduate student," "PhD," "overseas student"), style descriptors ("soft voice," "patient listening," "high emotional intelligence"), and pages of customer reviews (Figure 1). These workers are typically young adults between the ages of 20 and 26-often recent high school graduates or university students, or people in entry-level white-collar or service jobswho take on pei liao work as a flexible side gig and are hired as conversational partners in roles ranging from friends and confidants to emotional counselors and romantic partners (Tan and Xu 2020;Xu and Zhang 2022). Chat sessions generally last 30 or 60 min, with rates ranging from 30 to 100 CNY (approximately 4.50 to 15 USD) per 30 min, depending on the worker's tier level within the company, which is typically determined by meeting order-volume thresholds and maintaining a high proportion of repeat customers.…”

“…Notably, three of the four studies cited above depict pei liao workers' emotional labor—and the use of personas, in particular—as superficial, insincere, and manipulative performances undertaken in pursuit of financial gain. In Tan and Xu (2020), the workers quoted describe their work as engaging, educational, and emotionally satisfying, with some even choosing not to charge their clients. However, rather than exploring these as positive dimensions of emotional labor, the authors interpret these accounts through the lens of neoliberal critique, describing these workers as embodying “the imperative to maximize human capital for material gain that rests at the core of neoliberalism” (Tan and Xu 2020, 1562).…”

“…Xu and Zhang (2022) describe clients primarily as urban youth ( chengshi qingnian ), typically in their late teens to late twenties, and note that clients often report having limited disposable income. Tan and Xu (2020) similarly characterize the clientele as largely composed of young people and, based on conversations with Taobao shop owners, report that women outnumbered men among clients (approximately three to one in one shop). Given that pei liao workers in all studies are likewise predominantly young—often students or in entry‐level jobs—these accounts point to a degree of socioeconomic and life‐stage proximity between workers and clients.…”

Cashing the pink RMB through docile bodies: queering paradox of erotic entrepreneurs on Chinese social media platforms

“…Most adopt a positive and hopeful persona online, using these half-open, regulated platforms (where registration and subscription create a small circle of known individuals while still concealing their real identities) as a place to express their alternative desires and gendered troubles (Chen, 2021b;Ai et al, 2023). However, given the diverse and sometimes contradictory identities and interests involved, portrayals of this trade are often entangled with sexism (predominantly male virtual lovers, see Tan and Xu, 2020), ageism, ableism, lookism, and homophobia (used as a 'gay bravado' topos and prank between straight men, see Bridges, 2018).…”

Keeping Company: Exploring the Positive Dimensions of Emotional Labor in China's Pei Liao Industry

“…In Tan and Xu (2020), the workers quoted describe their work as engaging, educational, and emotionally satisfying, with some even choosing not to charge their clients. However, rather than exploring these as positive dimensions of emotional labor, the authors interpret these accounts through the lens of neoliberal critique, describing these workers as embodying "the imperative to maximize human capital for material gain that rests at the core of neoliberalism" (Tan andXu 2020, 1562). The perspectives conveyed by the companionship chat workers in our study resonate with those in Tan and Xu's study, in that they frequently find emotional fulfillment and value in their work.…”

“…Clicking a listing shows workers' background identifiers (e.g., "graduate student," "PhD," "overseas student"), style descriptors ("soft voice," "patient listening," "high emotional intelligence"), and pages of customer reviews (Figure 1). These workers are typically young adults between the ages of 20 and 26-often recent high school graduates or university students, or people in entry-level white-collar or service jobswho take on pei liao work as a flexible side gig and are hired as conversational partners in roles ranging from friends and confidants to emotional counselors and romantic partners (Tan and Xu 2020;Xu and Zhang 2022). Chat sessions generally last 30 or 60 min, with rates ranging from 30 to 100 CNY (approximately 4.50 to 15 USD) per 30 min, depending on the worker's tier level within the company, which is typically determined by meeting order-volume thresholds and maintaining a high proportion of repeat customers.…”

“…Notably, three of the four studies cited above depict pei liao workers' emotional labor—and the use of personas, in particular—as superficial, insincere, and manipulative performances undertaken in pursuit of financial gain. In Tan and Xu (2020), the workers quoted describe their work as engaging, educational, and emotionally satisfying, with some even choosing not to charge their clients. However, rather than exploring these as positive dimensions of emotional labor, the authors interpret these accounts through the lens of neoliberal critique, describing these workers as embodying “the imperative to maximize human capital for material gain that rests at the core of neoliberalism” (Tan and Xu 2020, 1562).…”

“…Xu and Zhang (2022) describe clients primarily as urban youth ( chengshi qingnian ), typically in their late teens to late twenties, and note that clients often report having limited disposable income. Tan and Xu (2020) similarly characterize the clientele as largely composed of young people and, based on conversations with Taobao shop owners, report that women outnumbered men among clients (approximately three to one in one shop). Given that pei liao workers in all studies are likewise predominantly young—often students or in entry‐level jobs—these accounts point to a degree of socioeconomic and life‐stage proximity between workers and clients.…”

Cashing the pink RMB through docile bodies: queering paradox of erotic entrepreneurs on Chinese social media platforms

“…Most adopt a positive and hopeful persona online, using these half-open, regulated platforms (where registration and subscription create a small circle of known individuals while still concealing their real identities) as a place to express their alternative desires and gendered troubles (Chen, 2021b;Ai et al, 2023). However, given the diverse and sometimes contradictory identities and interests involved, portrayals of this trade are often entangled with sexism (predominantly male virtual lovers, see Tan and Xu, 2020), ageism, ableism, lookism, and homophobia (used as a 'gay bravado' topos and prank between straight men, see Bridges, 2018).…”

Keeping Company: Exploring the Positive Dimensions of Emotional Labor in China's Pei Liao Industry

“…In Tan and Xu (2020), the workers quoted describe their work as engaging, educational, and emotionally satisfying, with some even choosing not to charge their clients. However, rather than exploring these as positive dimensions of emotional labor, the authors interpret these accounts through the lens of neoliberal critique, describing these workers as embodying "the imperative to maximize human capital for material gain that rests at the core of neoliberalism" (Tan andXu 2020, 1562). The perspectives conveyed by the companionship chat workers in our study resonate with those in Tan and Xu's study, in that they frequently find emotional fulfillment and value in their work.…”

“…Clicking a listing shows workers' background identifiers (e.g., "graduate student," "PhD," "overseas student"), style descriptors ("soft voice," "patient listening," "high emotional intelligence"), and pages of customer reviews (Figure 1). These workers are typically young adults between the ages of 20 and 26-often recent high school graduates or university students, or people in entry-level white-collar or service jobswho take on pei liao work as a flexible side gig and are hired as conversational partners in roles ranging from friends and confidants to emotional counselors and romantic partners (Tan and Xu 2020;Xu and Zhang 2022). Chat sessions generally last 30 or 60 min, with rates ranging from 30 to 100 CNY (approximately 4.50 to 15 USD) per 30 min, depending on the worker's tier level within the company, which is typically determined by meeting order-volume thresholds and maintaining a high proportion of repeat customers.…”

“…Notably, three of the four studies cited above depict pei liao workers' emotional labor—and the use of personas, in particular—as superficial, insincere, and manipulative performances undertaken in pursuit of financial gain. In Tan and Xu (2020), the workers quoted describe their work as engaging, educational, and emotionally satisfying, with some even choosing not to charge their clients. However, rather than exploring these as positive dimensions of emotional labor, the authors interpret these accounts through the lens of neoliberal critique, describing these workers as embodying “the imperative to maximize human capital for material gain that rests at the core of neoliberalism” (Tan and Xu 2020, 1562).…”

“…Xu and Zhang (2022) describe clients primarily as urban youth ( chengshi qingnian ), typically in their late teens to late twenties, and note that clients often report having limited disposable income. Tan and Xu (2020) similarly characterize the clientele as largely composed of young people and, based on conversations with Taobao shop owners, report that women outnumbered men among clients (approximately three to one in one shop). Given that pei liao workers in all studies are likewise predominantly young—often students or in entry‐level jobs—these accounts point to a degree of socioeconomic and life‐stage proximity between workers and clients.…”