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These miRNAs are the first to be reported for human retinoblastoma and may play significant roles in regulating tumor genesis.

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This article studies the platformization of cultural production in China through the specific lens of Kuaishou, an algorithm-based video-sharing platform targeting second- and third-tier cities as well as the countryside. It enables the forming of an “unlikely” creative class in contemporary China. Kuaishou’s platform business fits into the Party State’s socio-economic agenda of “Internet+” and “Mass Entrepreneurship and Innovation,” and is also folded into the state’s demand for cultural censorship and social stability. As we will show, this state-commerce relationship largely shapes Kuaishou’s interface and its affordances as encoded in its algorithm. Nevertheless, Kuaishou enables the diverse, often marginalized, Chinese living outside the urban centers of the country to become “unlikely” creative workers, who have become self-employed creative, digital entrepreneurs. For these “grassroots individuals,” creativity, life, and individuality are constantly mobilized and calculated according to the workings of the platform. This grassroots entrepreneurship, in tandem with the institutional regulation and censorship of the Internet, contributes to the transformation of Chinese economy and the production of social stability and a digital culture permeated with contingency and negotiation.

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Aim: To investigate the involvement of microRNAs (miRNAs) in intrinsic drug resistance to hydroxycamptothecin (HCPT) of six gastric cancer cell lines (BGC-823, SGC-7901, MGC-803, HGC-27, NCI-N87, and AGS). Methods: A sulforhodamine B (SRB) assay was used to analyze the sensitivity to HCPT of six gastric cancer cell lines. The miRNA and mRNA expression signatures in HCPT-resistant cell lines were then identified using DNA microarrays. Gene ontology and pathway analysis was conducted using GenMAPP2. A combined analysis was used to explore the relationship between the miRNAs and mRNAs. Results: The sensitivity to HCPT was significantly different among the six cell lines. In the HCPT-resistant gastric cancer cells, the levels of 25 miRNAs were deregulated, including miR-196a, miR-200 family, miR-338, miR-126, miR-31, miR-98, let-7g, and miR-7. Their target genes were related to cancer development, progression and chemosensitivity. Moreover, 307 genes were differentially expressed in HCPT-resistant cell lines, including apoptosis-related genes (BAX, TIAL1), cell division-related genes (MCM2), cell adhesion-or migration-related genes (TIMP2, VSNL1) and checkpoint genes (RAD1). The combined analysis revealed 78 relation pairs between the miRNAs and mRNAs. Conclusion: Hierarchical clustering showed that the miRNA and mRNA signatures in our results were informative for discriminating cell lines with different sensitivities to HCPT. However, there was slightly lower correlation between the expression patterns of the miRNA and those of the predicted target transcripts.

The COVID-19 pandemic stirs up strong nationalist and localist sentiments; places pride themselves on containing the virus more effectively: We are doing better. We call this ‘biopolitical nationalism’, understood by us as the dynamics between body, geopolitics and affect. When looking at mainland China, Taiwan and Hong Kong, we analyse how the biopolitical efforts of these places are being compared, applauded and supported. Under a discourse of life and survival, this celebration of biopolitical control does not fall into the classic reproduction of capital, but speaks to geopolitical identification. Biopolitics has morphed into a field of competition, of rivalry, of nationalistic – or, perhaps more generally, localist – power games. What can we do as Cultural Studies scholars?

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