What you see is what you get: Chinese sentence-final particles as head-final complementizers

Paul, Waltraud; Pan, Victor Junnan

doi:10.1515/9783110497151-003

Cited by 38 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Thus, we need at least one other phrase where such meaning is encoded. This analysis fits with Paul (2014) and Paul & Pan (2017), who distinguish ForceP (which marks clause type) from AttitudeP for Mandarin, where particles like BA could be accommodated.…”

Section: The Syntactisation Of Discoursesupporting

confidence: 80%

Clause type vs. speech act: Knowledge confirmation questions in Basque

Ituarte¹

2022

J. Ling.

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This article analyzes Knowledge Confirmation Questions (KCQ) in Basque, an instance of non-canonical questions that has not been analyzed yet. KCQs display three characteristic elements, namely, (i) a declarative-type syntax, (ii) an interrogative-like intonation, and (iii) the discourse particle ba; and are interpreted as follows: “Do you know that p?”. Here, I propose that the meaning contribution of KCQs derives from the interaction of these three elements. More precisely, I argue that their question-like intonation, which adds interrogative interpretation, takes scope over ba, which regulates the addressee’s Doxastic State and undergoes context shift. Basque KCQs constitute an interesting case study, because they raise some interesting questions on the syntactization of discourse and the properties of discourse particles, as they seem to contradict the assumption that discourse particles do not fall under the scope of sentential operators.

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Section: The Syntactisation Of Discoursesupporting

confidence: 80%

Clause type vs. speech act: Knowledge confirmation questions in Basque

Ituarte¹

2022

J. Ling.

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“…38 In Chicago, for example, homicides (and shooting crimes) usually increase in the warmer summer months and decrease in the colder winter months. 39 This seasonality theory is an unlikely explanation because the recent homicide spikes are far above ordinary seasonal variation. Seasonal effects were taken into account, for example, in the Rosenfeld-Lopez report, which used a structural break identifier that controlled for crime rates during the same week in the previous year.…”

Section: The Timing Of the Homicide Spikesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining the Recent Homicide Spikes in U.S. Cities

Cassell¹

2020

Federal Sentencing Reporter

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Recently, major cities across the country have suffered dramatic spikes in homicides. These sudden spikes are remarkably large and widespread. At this rate, 2020 will easily be the deadliest year in America for gun-related homicides since at least 1999, while most other major crime categories are trending stable or slightly downward. This article attempts to explain why so many cities have seen extraordinary increases in murder during the summer of 2020. A close analysis of the emerging crime patterns suggests that American cities may be witnessing significant declines in some forms of policing, which in turn are producing the homicide spikes. Crime rates are increasing only for a few specific categories—namely homicides and shootings. These crime categories are particularly responsive to reductions in proactive policing. The data also pinpoint the timing of the spikes to late May 2020, which corresponds with the death of George Floyd while in police custody in Minneapolis and subsequent antipolice protests—protests that likely led to declines in law enforcement. The thesis of this article is that the recent spikes in homicides have been caused by a “Minneapolis Effect,” similar to the earlier “Ferguson Effect.” Specifically, law enforcement agencies have been forced to divert resources from normal policing to patrolling demonstrations. And even as the antipolice protests have abated, police officers have scaled back on proactive or officer-initiated law enforcement, such as street stops and other forms of policing designed to prevent firearm crimes. If this thesis is correct, it is reasonable to estimate that, as a result of de-policing during June and July 2020, approximately 710 additional victims were murdered and more than 2,800 victims were shot. Of course, this estimate relies on various assumptions, and further research on the issues surrounding the homicide spikes should be an urgent priority. If this article’s thesis about a Minneapolis Effect is correct, an important implication is that policy makers in major cities should proceed cautiously before taking steps to “defund” the police in ways that might reduce the proactive policing that is important in preventing gun violence.

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“…The low C hosts tense-related particles, the medium C hosts force-related particles, and the high C hosts the speaker's attitude-related particles. These three roughly divided domains have also been argued for in Pan and Paul (2016), and, in Paul and Pan (2017). Pan (2015) proposes a more detailed hierarchy, as shown in (2).…”

Section: Peripheral Functional Projections In Chinesementioning

confidence: 77%

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

Pan

2018

Studies in Chinese Linguistics

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Erlewine (2017) suggests that certain sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese such as "sentential le" and eryi are located lower than the C-domain, using a number of arguments relating to the scopal interaction of these SFPs, subjects, and other verb phrase (vP) level elements. The present paper proposes an alternative view of the phenomena considered by Erlewine (2017) and maintains the claim that sentential le and eryi are C-domain elements. First, I argue that shi 'be', in the negative form -bu shi 'not be' -should be analyzed as an independent verb, which takes a clausal complement headed by le or eryi. The apparent narrow scope of le and eryi is due to the biclausal analysis of the entire sentence. Second, the sentence-initial determiner phrase (DP) cannot be analyzed as the real subject of the verb shi 'be' but must be analyzed as the matrix topic of the entire sentence and, therefore, is higher than the complementizer phrase (CP) headed by le or eryi. This explains why sometimes le or eryi does not have scope over the subject. Third, the wh-subject cannot get an indefinite reading in a sentence with a final particle le because the $-closure triggered by le applies at the I′-level by excluding the subject systematically (Huang 1982). The $-quantifier, which is introduced in a position lower than the surface subject position, cannot bind the wh-subject as a variable. The position where $ is generated remains independent of whether the $-closure is triggered by low particles, such as le, or by high particles, such as the yes-no question particle ma. Therefore, the low peripheral particles le and eryi are still within the CP domain and thus higher than vP.

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What you see is what you get: Chinese sentence-final particles as head-final complementizers

Cited by 38 publications

References 11 publications

Clause type vs. speech act: Knowledge confirmation questions in Basque

Clause type vs. speech act: Knowledge confirmation questions in Basque

Explaining the Recent Homicide Spikes in U.S. Cities

Derivation of the Apparent Narrow Scope of Sentence-Final Particles in Chinese: A Reply to Erlewine (2017)

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