What if Everyone Voted? Simulating the Impact of Increased Turnout in Senate Elections

Citrin, Jack; Schickler, Eric; Sides, John

doi:10.1111/1540-5907.00006

Cited by 188 publications

(122 citation statements)

References 36 publications

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“…For example, in 1998, the mean number of CPS respondents in each market was 749, with a median of 454. Another advantage of the CPS is that its measure of turnout is less susceptible to over-reporting than are similar measures in ''political'' surveys such as the ANES (Citrin, Schickler, and Sides 2003). This produces a more valid measure of our key dependent variable.…”

Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Messages that Mobilize? Issue Publics and the Content of Campaign Advertising

Sides¹,

Karch²

2008

The Journal of Politics

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Does the issue content of campaign appeals mobilize particular subsets of voters? We examine whether issue content interacts with the interests and agendas of ''issue publics,'' focusing on the relationship between campaign messages and the turnout of senior citizens, veterans, and parents. Our analysis matches Current Population Survey respondents to media markets and then to relevant campaign advertising data in the 1998, 2000, and 2002 elections. We find that issue-specific campaign messages are not associated with higher turnout among senior citizens or veterans and are associated with only a small increase in turnout among parents. Our results suggest that campaign effects vary in their magnitude and importance for the mobilization of issue publics.

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Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Messages that Mobilize? Issue Publics and the Content of Campaign Advertising

Sides¹,

Karch²

2008

The Journal of Politics

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“…It appears that Putin succeeded in reducing the number of political parties, practically speaking. (Citrin, Schickler, and Sides, 2003).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Russian Election Reform and the Effect of Social Conformity on Voting and the Party System: 2007 and 2008

Coleman

2009

SSRN Journal

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In 2007 Russian voters elected representatives to the State Duma under new electoral procedures that President V. Putin had instituted. A presidential election followed in 2008, won by D. Medvedev, leading to Putin's new role as prime minister. To many observers, the reforms and election campaigns resulted in a party system manipulated to the advantage of the government, although Putin's reported goal was to reduce the number of political parties. Earlier research found that social conformity exerted a strong, persistent, and predictable influence on voting in national elections from 1991 to 2003. This analysis examines how the effect of social conformity on Russian voters and the party system might have changed from earlier elections as a result of the electoral reforms and campaign practices. Specific questions addressed are how well the political party system now aligns with the interests of voters, and whether this type of analysis can speak to fairness of the elections.

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“…They conclude that non-voters do not form a homogeneous group and that an increase in turnout would hardly make much of a difference. Simulating how Senate election results would have changed had everyone voted, Citrin et al (2003) also conclude that those who abstain are more likely to favor the Democratic Party, but that few results would have been different with higher turnout rates. 10 In simulating which party non-voters would have chosen had they voted in the European Parliament election of 2009, van der Eijk et al (2010) also conclude that the effects would have been negligible for the vast majority of parties.…”

Section: Empirical Objections To Compulsory Votingmentioning

confidence: 96%

Republican Liberty and Compulsory Voting

Schäfer

2011

SSRN Journal

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Armin Schäfer is a research fellow at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, Cologne.MPIfG Discussion Papers are refereed scholarly papers of the kind that are publishable in a peer-reviewed disciplinary journal. Their objective is to contribute to the cumulative improvement of theoretical knowledge. The papers can be ordered from the institute for a small fee (hard copies) or downloaded free of charge (PDF). AbstractThis paper starts from four observations: (1) voter turnout is declining in established democracies; (2) low turnout means socio-economically unequal turnout; (3) compulsory voting is an effective means to increase turnout; (4) even low-turnout countries, however, have neither introduced nor even contemplated a legal obligation to vote. A closer look at the arguments against compulsory voting shows that these draw on assumptions from liberal political theory, which defines freedom negatively as non-interference. This concept of freedom has been challenged by "neo-republican" writers who, in the neo-Athenian tradition, understand freedom as "sharing in self-government" and, in the neo-Roman, as "non-domination." Both strands of republicanism attach importance to political participation and, it will be argued, offer reasons to support compulsory voting. The purpose of this paper is to show that opponents to mandatory voting have to rely on liberal assumptions that have not remained uncontested and to outline a republican defense of equal participation. ZusammenfassungAufgrund von vier Beobachtungen diskutiert das Papier, ob sich eine Wahlpflicht rechtfertigen lässt: (1) In vielen etablierten Demokratien sinkt die Wahlbeteiligung; (2) eine niedrige Wahlbeteiligung ist immer sozial ungleich; (3) eine Wahlpflicht ist ein effektives Mittel, die Wahlbeteiligung anzuheben, aber dennoch (4) gibt es selbst in Ländern mit niedriger Wahlbeteiligung kaum Bestrebungen, Bürger zur Wahlteilnahme zu verpflichten. Argumente gegen die Wahlpflicht stützen sich überwiegend auf Annahmen der liberalen politischen Theorie, in der Freiheit negativ als Abwesenheit von Einmischung verstanden wird. Gegen dieses Freiheitsverständnis wenden sich "neo-republikanische" Autoren, die in der neo-athenischen Spielart Freiheit als Selbstregierung und in der neo-römischen als Nichtdominierung verstehen. Beide Varianten betonen die Bedeutung politischer Partizipation für die Demokratie und bieten Rechtfertigungsgründe für die Einführung einer Wahlpflicht. Das Papier führt den Nachweis, dass die Gegner einer Wahlpflicht sich auf Annahmen stützen, die nicht unumstritten sind, und entwickelt eine republikanische Verteidigung gleicher politischer Partizipation.

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What if Everyone Voted? Simulating the Impact of Increased Turnout in Senate Elections

Abstract: The conventional wisdom among journalists and politicians is that higher turnout would benefit

Cited by 188 publications

References 36 publications

Messages that Mobilize? Issue Publics and the Content of Campaign Advertising

Messages that Mobilize? Issue Publics and the Content of Campaign Advertising

Russian Election Reform and the Effect of Social Conformity on Voting and the Party System: 2007 and 2008

Republican Liberty and Compulsory Voting

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