The value of education among immigrants and non-immigrants and how this translates into educational aspirations: a comparison of four European countries

Hadjar, Andreas; Scharf, Jan

doi:10.1080/1369183x.2018.1433025

Cited by 56 publications

(67 citation statements)

References 39 publications

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“…They show that students in Norway generally have exceptionally high ambitions: six out of ten report that they aim to complete a bachelor's degree, and almost four out of ten report that they aim to complete an education at master's degree level. Compared to the relatively similar CILS4EU survey, these results suggest that youth in Norway in fact have higher educational aspirations than young people in both Germany, the Netherlands, UK and Sweden (Hadjar and Scharf 2019). Young people's aspirations are shaped by the socioeconomic status and human capital of their parents (Kao & Tienda 1995;Feliciano 2006), and grade averages from compulsory school are even more determining for the educational ambitions of young people, reflecting both the influence of family resources so far and the students' own cognitive abilities (Haller and Portes 1973;Portes et al 2013).…”

Section: Descriptive Statisticscontrasting

confidence: 54%

Does selective acculturation work? Cultural orientations, educational aspirations and school effort among children of immigrants in Norway

Friberg

2019

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

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This article examines educational aspirations, expectations and school effort among adolescents, using the first wave of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study in Norway. In comparative terms, youth in Norway have exceptionally high aspirations. Nevertheless, we find an immigrant advantage in terms of both educational aspirations, expectations and school effort, despite considerable disadvantage in terms of low parental socioeconomic status and early educational attainment. A significant part of the immigrant advantage in aspirations and effort is associated with selective acculturation, defined as cultural distinctiveness in terms of religion, collective family orientation and regular use of parental language. This is however not the case for expectations. The findings support a central component of segmented assimilation theory, which states that in their efforts to overcome the challenges of integration, children of disadvantaged minorities may benefit from maintaining some aspects of their parents' cultural orientations.

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Section: Descriptive Statisticscontrasting

confidence: 54%

Does selective acculturation work? Cultural orientations, educational aspirations and school effort among children of immigrants in Norway

Friberg

2019

Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies

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“…The operationalisation of social origin effects was based on the occupational level of the students' parents. Based on the International Standard Classification of Occupations (ISCO), the highest occupational position from either parent was classified into three categories for socio-economic status: working, middle or upper-middle class (Hadjar and Scharf, 2019).…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do students’ language backgrounds explain achievement differences in the Luxembourgish education system?

et al. 2019

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What is the role of students' language background in school success within the multilingual and highly stratified education system in Luxembourg? Considering achievement differences in terms of the primary effects of social and ethnic origin, we assume that students of a disadvantaged social origin (e.g. working class), with an immigrant background, who speak languages at home other than Luxembourg's official languages show lower school achievements and are placed into lower school tracks. Analyses are based on the data of Luxembourgish primary (grades 4/5) and secondary students (grades 7/ 8) from two consecutive survey waves in 2016/2017 (for the international project SASAL-School Alienation in Switzerland and Luxembourg). The results indicate language background has only marginal effects, but social and immigrant origin has stronger effects.

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“…Insbesondere Jugendliche aus sozioökonomisch und hinsichtlich Bildung unterprivilegierten sowie migrantischen Milieus sind benachteiligt (Busse 2010). Die soziale Herkunft wirkt daher nicht unabhängig; vielmehr gibt es Intersektionen mit anderen sozialen Merkmalen wie Geschlecht und Migrationshintergrund (Hadjar und Scharf 2019;Gottburgsen und Gross 2012;Grant 2017, S. 291). 4 Wie aber sind Bildungsaspirationen mit dieser ungleichheitsrelevanten Strukturierung verknüpft?…”

Section: Bildungsaspirationen Im Kontext Von Migrationunclassified

“…Wenn den Eltern der Aufstieg verwehrt wurde, müssten dementsprechend die Bildungsaspirationen der Jugendlichen besonders hoch sein. Die Ergebnisse, dass Migrant*innen in Ländern mit schlechteren Chancen eher Wert auf Bildung legen (Hadjar und Scharf 2019), stehen in Einklang mit dieser These. Das bedeutet, dass neben den Migrationsgründen auch die institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen in den Ankunftsländern zur Erklärung der Genese von Bildungsaspirationen herangezogen werden müssen.…”

Section: Zusammenfassung Und Diskussionunclassified

Zwischen Wunsch und Wirklichkeit: Zum Zusammenhang von sozialer Herkunft, Migration und Bildungsaspirationen

Astleithner

Vogl

Parzer

2021

Österreich Z Soziol

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ZusammenfassungBildungsaspirationen – Ziele, die als erstrebenswert und möglich betrachtet werden – hängen von der sozialen Herkunft ab und wirken sich auf die Bildungserfolge aus. Somit sind sie ein wesentlicher Faktor in der Reproduktion sozialer Ungleichheit: Höhere soziale Positionen der Eltern gehen mit höheren Aspirationen von Jugendlichen einher. Liegt ein Migrationshintergrund vor, sind die Aspirationen tendenziell ambitionierter als wenn dies nicht der Fall ist. Die Zusammenhänge zwischen sozialer Position der Eltern und den Aspirationen der Jugendlichen im Migrationskontext sind bislang jedoch nicht ausreichend geklärt. Auf Basis des Projektes „Wege in die Zukunft“, in dem Schüler*innen der 4. Klasse NMS in Wien 2018 online befragt wurden (n = 2850) zeigen wir, dass je nach Migrationsgeneration der Bildungshintergrund der Eltern (Indikator für die soziale Herkunft) die idealistische Bildungsaspiration unterschiedlich beeinflusst. Weiters divergieren die realistischen Bildungsaspirationen nicht nach Migrationshintergrund, sondern lediglich nach dem Bildungshintergrund. Im Migrationskontext ergeben sich also spezifische Zusammenhänge zwischen sozialer Herkunft und idealistischen sowie realistischen Bildungsaspirationen, die anknüpfende theoretische und empirische Forschung notwendig machen.

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The value of education among immigrants and non-immigrants and how this translates into educational aspirations: a comparison of four European countries

Cited by 56 publications

References 39 publications

Does selective acculturation work? Cultural orientations, educational aspirations and school effort among children of immigrants in Norway

Does selective acculturation work? Cultural orientations, educational aspirations and school effort among children of immigrants in Norway

Do students’ language backgrounds explain achievement differences in the Luxembourgish education system?

Zwischen Wunsch und Wirklichkeit: Zum Zusammenhang von sozialer Herkunft, Migration und Bildungsaspirationen

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