The Spatial Analysis of Non-Ceramic Refuse from the Neolithic Site at Bylany, Czech Republic

Abstract

This article aims to provide an interpretation of the structure and spatial patterning of the non-ceramic refuse from the Neolithic site of Bylany. The data are considered at three levels: tackling questions of refuse management and deposition in the vicinity of houses; the spatial distribution of refuse within the settlement area as a whole; and the quantity and structure of nonceramic refuse from a long-term settlement perspective. The analysed assemblage of non-ceramic finds is divided into five categories: chipped stone, polished stone, whetstones, manos/metates, and other stones without use-wear traces. The analysis is based on GIS and multivariate statistics. The spatial distribution and quantity of refuse are analysed with respect to space (in terms of proximity to Neolithic houses and the whole of the excavated settlement area) and time (the duration of settlement in six chronological stages). No deliberate pattern of refuse management was identified in the vicinity of the houses, but the refuse was found to have a tendency towards peripheral grouping within the settled area as a whole. Refuse quantity depends on the number of houses and settlement duration. The negative correlation between the mean density of non-ceramic artefacts per house and the number of houses in corresponding chronological stages may be explained by the interpretation that refuse was commonly deposited within abandoned houses, which would be consistent with ethnoarchaeological observations.

Let the Sunshine In: The Issue of Neolithic Longhouse Orientation

“…Bradley's argument was taken up by Hauzeur (2006), who noticed that longhouse orientation was not determined by the local topography of a settlement area, as documented by the intra-site spatial organization at Altwies-Op dem Boesch. Generally, we can support this statement with evidence from other sites situated on slope as the longhouses were set both uphill (Rück, 2009: 173–75) and downhill (Květina & Pavlů, 2007). Thus, Hauzeur (2006) also considered orientation to be a cultural choice; and, following Bradley's hypothesis, she pointed to the alignment of houses on the western fringe of the LBK world as being oriented towards the Upper Danube, an area from which expansion westwards took place.…”

Let the Sunshine In: The Issue of Neolithic Longhouse Orientation

“…Bradley's argument was taken up by Hauzeur (2006), who noticed that longhouse orientation was not determined by the local topography of a settlement area, as documented by the intra-site spatial organization at Altwies-Op dem Boesch. Generally, we can support this statement with evidence from other sites situated on slope as the longhouses were set both uphill (Rück, 2009: 173–75) and downhill (Květina & Pavlů, 2007). Thus, Hauzeur (2006) also considered orientation to be a cultural choice; and, following Bradley's hypothesis, she pointed to the alignment of houses on the western fringe of the LBK world as being oriented towards the Upper Danube, an area from which expansion westwards took place.…”

Waste Management at the End of the Stone Age

“…The analysis of non-ceramic waste demonstrated that the more houses there were at the settlement the more non-ceramic waste there was, although in relative numbers there was less waste per house (Květina, 2010). This finding may indicate that families shared tools (if we assume that one family dwelled in each house).…”

Technical traditions and individual variability in the Early Neolithic: Linear pottery culture flint knappers in the Aisne Valley (France)

“…in a secondary deposit [ 43 , 44 ]. In contrast to central Europe (e.g., [ 45 ]), the artifacts recovered in lateral pits in the Seine/Meuse sector reflect the activities of the houses next to them, and the pits seem to have been filled rapidly, within three to five years [ 43 ].…”

Let the Sunshine In: The Issue of Neolithic Longhouse Orientation

“…Bradley's argument was taken up by Hauzeur (2006), who noticed that longhouse orientation was not determined by the local topography of a settlement area, as documented by the intra-site spatial organization at Altwies-Op dem Boesch. Generally, we can support this statement with evidence from other sites situated on slope as the longhouses were set both uphill (Rück, 2009: 173–75) and downhill (Květina & Pavlů, 2007). Thus, Hauzeur (2006) also considered orientation to be a cultural choice; and, following Bradley's hypothesis, she pointed to the alignment of houses on the western fringe of the LBK world as being oriented towards the Upper Danube, an area from which expansion westwards took place.…”

Waste Management at the End of the Stone Age

“…The analysis of non-ceramic waste demonstrated that the more houses there were at the settlement the more non-ceramic waste there was, although in relative numbers there was less waste per house (Květina, 2010). This finding may indicate that families shared tools (if we assume that one family dwelled in each house).…”

Technical traditions and individual variability in the Early Neolithic: Linear pottery culture flint knappers in the Aisne Valley (France)

“…in a secondary deposit [ 43 , 44 ]. In contrast to central Europe (e.g., [ 45 ]), the artifacts recovered in lateral pits in the Seine/Meuse sector reflect the activities of the houses next to them, and the pits seem to have been filled rapidly, within three to five years [ 43 ].…”

Let the Sunshine In: The Issue of Neolithic Longhouse Orientation

“…Bradley's argument was taken up by Hauzeur (2006), who noticed that longhouse orientation was not determined by the local topography of a settlement area, as documented by the intra-site spatial organization at Altwies-Op dem Boesch. Generally, we can support this statement with evidence from other sites situated on slope as the longhouses were set both uphill (Rück, 2009: 173–75) and downhill (Květina & Pavlů, 2007). Thus, Hauzeur (2006) also considered orientation to be a cultural choice; and, following Bradley's hypothesis, she pointed to the alignment of houses on the western fringe of the LBK world as being oriented towards the Upper Danube, an area from which expansion westwards took place.…”

Waste Management at the End of the Stone Age

“…The analysis of non-ceramic waste demonstrated that the more houses there were at the settlement the more non-ceramic waste there was, although in relative numbers there was less waste per house (Květina, 2010). This finding may indicate that families shared tools (if we assume that one family dwelled in each house).…”

Technical traditions and individual variability in the Early Neolithic: Linear pottery culture flint knappers in the Aisne Valley (France)

“…in a secondary deposit [ 43 , 44 ]. In contrast to central Europe (e.g., [ 45 ]), the artifacts recovered in lateral pits in the Seine/Meuse sector reflect the activities of the houses next to them, and the pits seem to have been filled rapidly, within three to five years [ 43 ].…”