The Politics of “Public Opinion” in the Philippines

Abstract

In May 2010, national elections in the Philippines saw front-runner presidential candidate Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III win a landslide victory which set the stage for an orderly transition of power from the administration of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. This article argues that Aquino's victory, rather than signalling a clear departure from the old ways of doing politics or the mere reproduction of established patterns of oligarchical politics, points towards a more gradual and limited change in the mobilisation of voters in the Philippines. This change, it is further argued, reflects in part the rise of “public opinion” as a social fact in Philippine politics and society in the period since the resurrection of formal democratic institutions and regular elections. The article identifies the broad parameters of the rise in polls and surveys in the Philippines, and, drawing on the critical insights of Pierre Bourdieu, examines the nature and significance of “public opinion” itself. However, the argument advanced here is a cautionary one, indicating that, while the emergence of public opinion as a social fact alters political calculations and dynamics associated with voter mobilisation, the politics of public opinion may only have limited transformative potential for democracy in the Philippines.

Between illegality and recognition: Exploring sacrificial violence in a Manila brotherhood

“…Today, it is not possible to win if one does not pay tribute to la masa, the expanding electorate, if only in a transparently populist manner, as was the case with Estrada's win in the 1998 presidential elections (Hedman, 2010) or through the inclusion of the poor in Escheverri-style clientelist networks. Even so, sections of the elite often view la masa with considerable contempt, viewing the poor as uncouth and uneducated, even morally reprehensible.…”

“…While the system still exists, embodied especially in former president Arroyo (Quimpo, 2009), it has also been challenged due to the ever-expanding electorate of poor people, continual pressure from the radical left and critiques levied by an urban middle class. Today, it is not possible to win if one does not pay tribute to la masa , the expanding electorate, if only in a transparently populist manner, as was the case with Estrada’s win in the 1998 presidential elections (Hedman, 2010) or through the inclusion of the poor in Escheverri-style clientelist networks. Even so, sections of the elite often view la masa with considerable contempt, viewing the poor as uncouth and uneducated, even morally reprehensible.…”

Does public approval shape news? Competing legitimacies and news headlines in the Philippines from Ramos to Aquino III

“…However, politicians with high approval ratings receive preferential treatment from their colleagues and attract positive coverage by the press (Chua 2004;Hedman 2010). Consistent with the popularity-context hypothesis, popular presidents are able to effectively insulate themselves from the delegitimising effect of political events through rhetoric (Cohen and Hamman 2003).…”

Targeting the Public Purse

“…Others have taken a more structural view, highlighting the strength of civil society in the Philippines and its ability to influence state actors through reformist discourse (Thompson, 2010). More critical voices have spoken of policy diffusion and the spread of the neo-liberal-discourse advocated by international donors as major proponents of reform; these observers question the sincerity or sustainability of the new policies (Hedman, 2010;Hutchcroft, 2011).…”

“…More critical voices have spoken of policy diffusion and the spread of the neo-liberal-discourse advocated by international donors as major proponents of reform; these observers question the sincerity or sustainability of the new policies (Hedman, 2010;Hutchcroft, 2011).…”