The Phonetics of Fortis and Lenis Consonants in Itunyoso Trique

DiCanio, Christian

doi:10.1086/664481

Cited by 22 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…Results in Suomi and Meister (2012) diverge from the pattern, with shorter burst durations and smaller differences; still, the overall pattern is similar. The result is comparable with studies of the dialect Itunyoso Trique (Dicanio 2012) that found no significant differences between bursts or VOT between fortis and lenis plosives and, as well of Finnish (Doty et al 2007), that found shorter VOT in geminate plosives compared to singletons. However, the results do not provide a reason for using lenis and fortis contrast in Estonian.…”

Section: Burst and Voicingsupporting

confidence: 87%

Estonian geminate plosives: some durational characteristics

Ermus¹

2019

ESUKA-JEFUL

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Consonants in Estonian occur in three quantity degrees: short, long, and overlong. Plosives have also been described as lenis and fortis. Long and fortis correspond to geminate. As single plosives have been described acoustically several times, only overall durations of geminates have been reported. The present study examines durational patterns of geminate plosives in Estonian and their relations to the same patterns in single plosives. Influences of articulation place, quantity, syllable structure, and speech style on overall duration, burst duration, and voiced transition were sought. The biggest differences in duration occurred due to quantity degree. Some influence of syllable structure occurred, similar to previous findings. Patterns were mostly similar to those in singleton plosives, although there were some differences in voicing. Almost no difference compared to singletons with respect to burst phase duration was found. Kokkuvõte. Liis Ermus: Eesti keele geminaatklusiilid: kestust puudutavaid tunnuseid. Eesti keele konsonandid esinevad kolmes vältes: lühike, pikk ja ülipikk. Sulghäälikuid on kirjeldatud ka leenise ja fortisena. Pikk ja ülipikk välde ning fortis vastavad geminaadile. Lühikeste sulghäälikute akustikat eesti keeles on korduvalt uuritud, kuid geminaatide kohta on esitatud vaid mõningast kestusinfot. Käesolev uurimus keskendus eesti keele geminaatsulghäälikute kestuses esinevatele korrapäradele ja nende võrdlusele lühikeste sulghäälikute kestusmustritega. Vaadeldi häälduskoha, välte, silbistruktuuri ja kõnestiili mõju häälikute üldkestusele, samuti vallandumisfaasi ja helilise algussiirde kestusele. Suurimad kestuserinevused olid tingitud välteerinevustest. Ilmnes mõningane silbistruktuuri mõju, mis oli kooskõlas eelnevate uurimustega. Kestusmustrid olid üldjoontes sarnased lühikeste sulghäälikute kestusmustritega, põhilised erinevused esinesid helilisuses. Vallandumisfaasi kestuses seevastu polnud võrreldes lühikeste häälikutega peaaegu mingeid erinevusi. Märksõnad: eesti keel, geminaadid, sulghäälikud, kestus, seotud kõne, akustiline foneetika

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Section: Burst and Voicingsupporting

confidence: 87%

Estonian geminate plosives: some durational characteristics

Ermus¹

2019

ESUKA-JEFUL

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“…Jessen (2001) provides an account of how phonetic lengthening as a secondary consequence of tense articulations can be phonologized in some languages like Swiss German and become the primary cue for the contrast in question. DiCanio (2012) further shows how a fortis/lenis contrast in Zapotec languages can be primarily based on duration and glottal width, which varies depending on stress position. In relation to the role of glottal states, Jessen (2001) and Nellis and Hollenbach (1980) note a correlation between a contrast based on tenseness or fortis articulation and languages which exhibit a certain profile of glottal timing in their stop contrast, e.g., the presence of aspirated stops, the lack of voiced geminates, and/or compensatory shortening/ lengthening of preceding vowels.…”

Section: A Acoustic and Articulatory Characteristics Of Geminationmentioning

confidence: 90%

Acoustic cue weighting in the singleton vs geminate contrast in Lebanese Arabic: The case of fricative consonants

Al-Tamimi¹,

Khattab²

2015

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America

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This paper is the first reported investigation of the role of non-temporal acoustic cues in the singleton-geminate contrast in Lebanese Arabic, alongside the more frequently reported temporal cues. The aim is to explore the extent to which singleton and geminate consonants show qualitative differences in a language where phonological length is prominent and where moraic structure governs segment timing and syllable weight. Twenty speakers (ten male, ten female) were recorded producing trochaic disyllables with medial singleton and geminate fricatives preceded by phonologically short and long vowels. The following acoustic measures were applied on the medial fricative and surrounding vowels: absolute duration; intensity; fundamental frequency; spectral peak and shape, dynamic amplitude, and voicing patterns of medial fricatives; and vowel quality and voice quality correlates of surrounding vowels. Discriminant analysis and receiver operating characteristics (ROC) curves were used to assess each acoustic cue's contribution to the singleton-geminate contrast. Classification rates of 89% and ROC curves with an area under the curve rate of 96% confirmed the major role played by temporal cues, with non-temporal cues contributing to the contrast but to a much lesser extent. These results confirm that the underlying contrast for gemination in Arabic is temporal, but highlight [+tense] (fortis) as a secondary feature.

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“…On the fortis/lenis distinctions in Otomanguean languages, see alsoNellis and Hollenbach (1980), Jaeger (1983) andAvelino (2004) for Northern Zapotec,Leander (1998) for Southern Zapotec, andDicanio (2012) for Trique.5 We analyze labio-velar g w and k w as singletons, rather than clusters (cf.López Cruz 1997: 52;Kaufman 2016 for the relevant comparative analysis), since w can only follow a k or g, except in loanwords ( §7.1). Phonetically, QZ has palatalized consonants which we analyze as sequences of a consonant + y given that often a morpheme boundary comes between them (r-ya 'hab-clean'; b-ya̤ b 'cmp-fall') and because y can occur after any consonants, except after g w , k w , y, or w.6 In other Central Zapotec varieties, such as in San Pablo Güilá Zapotec(Arellanes 2009: 100) or Teotitlán del Valle Zapotec (Ambrocio Gutiérrez, p.c.…”

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confidence: 99%

Fortis/lenis, glides and vowels in Quiaviní Zapotec

Uchihara

Báez

2016

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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Glides in San Lucas Quiaviní Zapotec (Otomanguean) are underlyingly moraic and behave as other fortis consonants. Further, this Zapotec variety presents a clear case of [-consonantal] high vowels and [+consonantal] glides, exhibiting different patterns of behavior. This requires us to consider vowels and glides as separate entities in the underlying representation, rather than establishing a distinction between them based on differences in moraicity.

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The Phonetics of Fortis and Lenis Consonants in Itunyoso Trique

Cited by 22 publications

References 21 publications

Estonian geminate plosives: some durational characteristics

Estonian geminate plosives: some durational characteristics

Acoustic cue weighting in the singleton vs geminate contrast in Lebanese Arabic: The case of fricative consonants

Fortis/lenis, glides and vowels in Quiaviní Zapotec

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