The Life and Death of International Treaties: Double-Edged Diplomacy and the Politics of Ratification in Comparative Perspective

Lantis, Jeffrey S.

doi:10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800130

Cited by 26 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…17–19 Several mechanisms affect the link between FCTC ratification and implementation. The negotiations leading to the FCTC had an educational effect, 20–22 increasing governments’ awareness of the rationale for TAPS bans and contributing to implementing bans.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

FCTC followed by accelerated implementation of tobacco advertising bans

Hiilamo

Glantz

2016

Tob Control

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Objectives We sought to evaluate changes in countries’ enacting advertising bans after the effect of ratifying the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC). Methods We compared adoption of advertising bans on five areas (TV and radio, print media, billboards, point-of-sale, sponsorship) in countries that did versus did not ratify the FCTC, accounting for years since the ratification of the Convention. Results On average, passage of complete advertising bans accelerated after FCTC ratification. The development was strongest among lower middle-income countries. Lack of state capacity was associated with lower likelihood of countries implementing complete advertising bans. Implementation of complete advertising bans slowed after 2007. Conclusions Implementation of FCTC Article 13 was followed by increased progress towards complete advertising bans, but progress is incomplete, especially among low-income countries. Low-income countries need comprehensive support to implement FCTC as part of a broad effort to reinvigorate progress on global implementation of the FCTC. Enforcing complete bans requires constant monitoring and attacking of tobacco industry efforts to circumvent them.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

FCTC followed by accelerated implementation of tobacco advertising bans

Hiilamo

Glantz

2016

Tob Control

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“…A similar dynamic can be found in Canada, where the incumbent negotiating the agreements was also-in the terminology used above-a "green party". In Canada, the Kyoto Agreement was signed and ratified by the liberal government of Jean Chretien, who committed his country to an ambitious reduction plan (6% reduction of GHG by 2012 from 1990 levels) without making an attempt to generate domestic support for the treaty (Lantis [2006]). As noted by Lantis [2006:36], "Chretien rested on his political advantages rather than assuaging the concerns of his A similar path has been followed by Japan, where the negotiating party in 1997 was the conservative Liberal Democratic Party party (LDP), which signed and ratified the Kyoto agreement.…”

Section: Some Historical Experiencesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political Economy of Weak Treaties

Battaglini

Harstad

2020

Journal of Political Economy

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In recent decades, democratic countries have signed hundreds of international environmental agreements (IEAs). Most of these agreements, however, are weak: they generally do not include effective enforcement or monitoring mechanisms. This is a puzzle in standard economic models. To study this phenomenon, we propose a positive theory of IEAs in which the political incumbents negotiate them in the shadow of reelection concerns. We show that, in these environments, incumbents are prone to negotiate treaties that are simultaneously overambitious (larger than what they would be without electoral concerns) and weak (might not be implemented in full). The theory also provides a new perspective for understanding investments in green technologies, highlighting a channel through which countries are tempted to rely too much on technology instead of sanctions to make compliance credible. We present preliminary evidence consistent with these predictions.

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“…Apesar do acerto na criação e na valorização do combate à corrupção transmutado em lei por parte de ambos os países, o fato é que houve um atraso na criação dos diplomas que visam responsabilizar as pessoas jurídicas em caso de atos corruptos. A efetivação de compromissos internacionais é também um ato carregado de conotação política (LANTIS, 2009). O legislador brasileiro entendeu por bem que as penalidades na esfera administrativa das pessoas jurídicas que cometam atos corruptos envolverão multa, podendo variar o patamar desde 0,1% (um décimo por cento) a 20% (vinte por cento) do faturamento bruto, e que nunca será inferior à vantagem conquistada, quando for viável e possível seu cálculo, e publicação extraordinária da decisão condenatória, com o fito de penalizar a pessoa jurídica no mercado, uma vez que perderá sua credibilidade.…”

Section: Corrupção Brasil E Chileunclassified

Lei anticorrupção brasileira e chilena: desafios no combate à corrupção

Ceren

Carmo

2018

RFDUFPR

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Existe uma tendência mundial de aumentar progressivamente atos repressivos contra a corrupção, seja por meio da conscientização social, seja por meio do processo legislativo, elaborando-se leis tanto no âmbito interno quanto internacionalmente. A lei anticorrupção brasileira (Lei nº 12.846) é fruto de uma pressão interna e de compromissos internacionais que o Brasil outrora assumiu, como a Convenção sobre o Combate da Corrupção de Funcionários Públicos Estrangeiros em transações Comerciais Internacionais, bem como a legislação americana Foreign Corrupt Practices Act – FCPA e europeia Bribery Act (Reino Unido), tendo como principal finalidade a responsabilização objetiva na seara das pessoas jurídicas. O Chile também criou lei inspirada na convenção citada, com o escopo de reprimir a corrupção das pessoas jurídicas, intitulada Ley de La Responsabilidad Penal de Las Personas Jurídicas (Lei nº 20.393). Ambas as leis guardam em seu âmago a repressão de atos corruptos advindos de condutas de pessoas jurídicas, porém há particularidades que diferem o proceder e as penalidades. O objetivo do artigo é analisar as duas leis, fazendo um intercâmbio de institutos com a finalidade de aprimorar a lei anticorrupção brasileira em alguns pontos omissos ou deficientes em nosso entender. Para tal, será utilizada a metodologia do direito comparado, com uma abordagem pautada pela microcomparação, utilizando em especial o princípio da funcionalidade, bem como o método dedutivo de pesquisa, tudo com o intento de aumentar o debate não apenas sobre a elaboração da lei, mas de seus institutos que ainda permanecem inexplorados.

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The Life and Death of International Treaties: Double-Edged Diplomacy and the Politics of Ratification in Comparative Perspective

Cited by 26 publications

References 23 publications

FCTC followed by accelerated implementation of tobacco advertising bans

FCTC followed by accelerated implementation of tobacco advertising bans

The Political Economy of Weak Treaties

Lei anticorrupção brasileira e chilena: desafios no combate à corrupção

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