2020
DOI: 10.1177/0038038520936981
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Abstract: Ongoing processes of ‘austerity localism’, including the state’s withdrawal from local communities, have created heightened pressures at the frontline. Sitting in local authorities, third sector bodies and community organisations, frontline workers come to act as the de facto guardians of a much-diminished welfare state. Yet, in a situation where needs outweigh resources, they also allocate support based on moral hierarchies of deservingness. This Janus-faced role of frontline workers as both a bulwark against… Show more

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Cited by 15 publications
(22 citation statements)
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“…Indeed, the angle adopted here fits well with recent attempts in both social network analysis (Burt, 2004(Burt, , 2009Stovel and Shaw, 2012) and anthropological engagements in settings of austerity (Guderjan et al, 2020;Koch, 2020;Koch and James, 2020;Koster, 2014;Tuckett, 2018) to foreground the importance of brokers in mobilising broader collectives. The former strand has shown that within corporate organisations brokers who form bridges between cliques who would otherwise not be in contact, can enjoy disproportionate influence and can be crucial vehicles of mobilisation and organisational efficacy.…”
Section: Conclusion: Re-politicising Inequality In Britain Todaysupporting
confidence: 67%
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“…Indeed, the angle adopted here fits well with recent attempts in both social network analysis (Burt, 2004(Burt, , 2009Stovel and Shaw, 2012) and anthropological engagements in settings of austerity (Guderjan et al, 2020;Koch, 2020;Koch and James, 2020;Koster, 2014;Tuckett, 2018) to foreground the importance of brokers in mobilising broader collectives. The former strand has shown that within corporate organisations brokers who form bridges between cliques who would otherwise not be in contact, can enjoy disproportionate influence and can be crucial vehicles of mobilisation and organisational efficacy.…”
Section: Conclusion: Re-politicising Inequality In Britain Todaysupporting
confidence: 67%
“…Our conclusion draws together how the lack of mediating figures or institutions, including those located in but not limited to the 'squeezed' middle, and capable of bridging strongly felt divides between social groups, thwarts the possibilities of collective action. Extending insights on brokers in both social network analysis (Burt, 2004(Burt, , 2009Stovel and Shaw, 2012) and recent anthropological work in settings of austerity (Koch, 2020;Koch and James, 2020;Koster, 2014;Tuckett, 2018), we argue for the importance of strengthening local intermediaries and their institutions that can link different constituencies around common agendas while assuming legitimacy among broad support bases. Far from assuming then a generalised crisis of disengagement (Evans and Tilley, 2017), we argue that the challenge consists in building local mechanisms concerned with networks of exchange that can cut across social groups, whether these are defined in ethnic and racial, socio-economic or any other terms.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 74%
“…And yet, this is not the whole story. As is so frequently the case with policy interventions (Bear, 2013;Koch 2020;Shore & Wright, 2003;Weszkalnys 2013), we argue that the story of UC's roll-out has, in fact, been far from neat. Our evidence shows that in some cases, UC has also failed to produce 'active' citizens altogether, while in others its effects reach far beyond labour activation, such as when digitalisation and conditionality destabilise a community's capacity to collectively demand change.…”
Section: U Cmentioning
confidence: 59%
“…Many of these themes are illustrated in the case of Nicola, a white British woman in her thirties who worked as a carer in a nursery on a zero-hour contract (Koch, 2020). Nicola had fallen into rent arrears due to fluctuating UC payments.…”
Section: S : Uc'mentioning
confidence: 99%
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