The First Human Right: Religious Liberty and the American Diplomatic Tradition

Preston, Andrew

doi:10.1080/15570274.2012.760978

Cited by 1 publication

(2 citation statements)

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“…As a result, they transcend different theories of international politics (Lynch 2009(Lynch , 2014. However, since the RFPT is an inherently Lockean idea about violence analogous to the Kant-inspired democratic peace thesis, it can be viewed as a branch of liberal international theory (Owen 1994;Preston 2013; also see Locke [1689Locke [ ] 2010.…”

Section: The Religious Freedom Peace Thesis (Rfpt)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This is unsurprising because (mis)perceptions of religious abuse are primarily cultivated for political purposes (Castelli 2007a(Castelli , 2007bDjupe et al 2016;Jones 2016;Knippa 2015;Lewis 2017;Lynn 2006;Michaelson 2013;Moss 2013;Whitehead et al 2018;Williams 2018;Wolraich 2010). 2 Nevertheless, this may be especially problematic because the International Relations scholarship on the "religious freedom peace" identifies religious oppression as one of the world's chief drivers of political violence (e.g., Farr 2008;Grim and Finke 2011;Iannaccone and Berman 2006;Inboden 2012;Preston 2013;Saiya 2015Saiya , 2018Saiya , 2019Toft et al 2011).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Conservative Christian Persecution Discourse and Support for Political Violence: Experimental Evidence from the United States

Herrington¹

2021

Religions

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International Relations scholarship on religious freedom points to religious persecution as a major driver of political violence around the globe. If correct, the perceived persecution of conservative Christians in the United States (U.S.) may contribute to the radicalization of individuals who self-identify as conservative and Christian. Yet, in focusing on country-level indicators, previous empirical research on the “religious freedom peace” is generally silent on the role of individual-level perceptions in the formation and mobilization of grievances. This article represents a first attempt to fill this gap. As such, it asks if the religious freedom discourse articulated in conservative American media contributes to the radicalization of its domestic consumers through the cultivation of perceptions of persecution that are divorced from the generally high levels of religious freedom otherwise experienced in the U.S. Although the results of an original online survey experiment demonstrate that persecution discourse does indeed shape perceptions of threat to religious liberty, I find no support for the idea that it also leads to increased support for political violence, either directly or indirectly through misperceptions of persecution.

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